Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
lower probability of being employed, compared with white UK-born individuals, and while the disadvantage decreased over time for white immigrants it persisted among non-white immigrants. 5 A 2003 study of labour market performance of immigrants in the UK found that individuals of minority ethnic groups, particularly those from Asian, Caribbean and African communities, were significantly less likely to be employed than the white native-born population in the UK, as were white individuals from former Eastern Bloc European countries. 6 An analysis of data on employees
Britain, France and the Rhodesian problem, 1965–1969
’ (McNeill and McNeill 2003: 3) between ideas, people and practices,
across broad spatial and temporal boundaries, we will discuss the connections
which existed between France’s involvement in Rhodesia and its policies in
Francophone Black Africa. By assessing not only the impact of French participation on the end of British rule in Africa, but also the ways in which France’s own
experiences of empire influenced its engagement in Rhodesia, this article will
connect hitherto separated geographies, chronologies and archives, and provide a
unique, transnational approach to
seen as part of the solution to
the continent’s problems. Long-established humanitarian organizations
working in Africa, like CARE, Save the Children, or Doctors without
Borders, as well as newer sector- or issued-oriented groups (The Bill and
Melinda Gates Foundation, Water Aid, or Women and Children First
(UK) for instance) are becoming an integral—and indispensable—part
of the human security equation.
Putting theory into practice, however, has not been easy for international proponents of the human security approach. Even with the best
intentions, coordinating and
in the new South Africa
How we conceptualise future directions of cultural studies depends on
how we have conceptualised the origins and genealogy of that discipline.
In the UK, two stories of origins have emerged, the textual and the sociological. The future theorisation and analysis of South African cultural
studies may follow either story. The textual version is probably dominant within British academia. It locates three texts, Richard Hoggart’s
The Uses of Literacy, E.P. Thompson’s The Making of the
This book challenges the usual questions asked about immigration policies and provides new answers about the policy-making process. Instead
of denouncing immigration policy-making as irrational, incompetent,
or even racist, it asks what kinds of ideas and knowledge actually shape
and frame policy. The case studies are the UK and Spain, two countries
that from quite different backgrounds in terms of immigration policymaking have emerged as major labour importers in the EU since 2000.
The research shows why, when, how and where policy
This collection explores how concepts of intellectual or learning disability evolved from a range of influences, gradually developing from earlier and decidedly distinct concepts, including ‘idiocy’ and ‘folly’, which were themselves generated by very specific social and intellectual environments. With essays extending across legal, educational, literary, religious, philosophical, and psychiatric histories, this collection maintains a rigorous distinction between historical and contemporary concepts in demonstrating how intellectual disability and related notions were products of the prevailing social, cultural, and intellectual environments in which they took form, and themselves performed important functions within these environments. Focusing on British and European material from the middle ages to the late nineteenth century, this collection asks ‘How and why did these concepts form?’ ‘How did they connect with one another?’ and ‘What historical circumstances contributed to building these connections?’ While the emphasis is on conceptual history or a history of ideas, these essays also address the consequences of these defining forces for the people who found themselves enclosed by the shifting definitional field.
– such as the influential APPG on Africa – publish
reports into Government policy or particular political issues in Africa; others
concern themselves with developing business links between the country and the
UK; some attempt to raise awareness of political or development issues relating
to the country. Source: Houses of Parliament website: www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmallparty/register/memi02.htm#a1, [cited, 14 March 2008].
Interview with Baroness Jenny Tonge (Liberal Democrat), London, 17 May
Interview with Chris Mullin, MP (Labour), London, 21 March
by the Department
for International Development (DFID) since 2006. The 2007 report exemplifies this most clearly in the key findings which include that the survey
revealed that ‘the UK public believe poverty in Africa is still an important
issue’ and that a majority felt that aid was wasted as a result of corruption
It would appear that the post-colonial representation of Africa is – in
keeping with post-structural aesthetics more generally – more pluriform
than during previous periodisations. This seems to ring true when looking at
centrality of working for ‘sustainable peace and improved developmental results [in Africa]’ to Rwanda’s ‘core … agenda’ before scholars, military personnel and Western policy-makers at a number of events in both the UK and US in the last decade ( Beswick, 2010: 749 ).
Both leaders have also emphasised their states’ economic successes during engagements with Western business leaders and economists. Museveni, for example, promoted Uganda’s economic success story in a 1998 speech to economists and World Bank officials at the University of Oxford – an