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1 Introduction So much public attention has been riveted upon the dilemmas of the Labour Left by journalists and scholars that the layman may be forgiven for believing that the Leftwing represents more than a minor faction of the Party as a whole. At certain periods the Left has played a crucial role in Labour’s development, but normally the Party is governed and controlled by the Right. To understand the contemporary Labour Party one must first understand its Right-wing.1 The Labour Right in the 1970s and early 1980s was too fragmented, and politically and

in Labours old and new

generally; to increase the number of younger councillors; and to encourage Urban District Councillors to press for their constituents’ interests by ‘camping out in front of County Hall’. He acknowledged, however, a partisan interest, pointing out that ‘the crowning process already illustrated by the return of Orpington Councillor Eric Lubbock as Orpington’s MP is the linking of the Liberal Council force with a growing Liberal Parliamentary force.’ Local government success, he insisted, was ‘a basic part of the political engine’.48 The Colne Valley Liberal Executive

in Richard Wainwright, the Liberals and Liberal Democrats
The external dynamics

secure favourable outcomes. The executive and advisory functions, which are variously exercised by bodies such as the NSMC and BIC, provide different institutions with varying capacities to meet Northern Ireland’s primary interests vis-à-vis the EU. But has Northern Ireland fully harnessed these opportunities to connect with the rest of the UK, Ireland and Brussels? Political 132 Northern Ireland and the European Union problems related to the consociational nature of the devolved political system and lingering party tensions have sporadically afflicted the operation

in Northern Ireland and the European Union

approach policymaking in a ‘democratic’ manner: rather, consultation enabled the monarch legitimately to extract taxation from his subjects by meeting with the most important members of the ‘political community’ and hearing their grievances. This underlying principle of consultation as a means to legitimate executive actions became the foundation stone of parliamentary government. As Rush (1981: 21) notes, the principle of consultation ‘reflect[s] on the one hand a desire to establish and maintain effective government and on the other, to impose limits on the exercise of

in Parliamentary reform at Westminster
The Ocean group in East and Southeast Asia, c. 1945–73

Liverpool-based conglomerate was divorced or disconnected from influential business and political circles in London. Although, from the late 1920s, the Ocean directorate was increasingly selected from outside the Holt family, executive material was still sought from the top public schools and Oxbridge colleges. Such preference ensured that Blue Funnel executives were well-connected in Whitehall and Westminster. For

in The empire in one city?

The conclusion that many of us reached, certainly by the 1970s, was that the only conceivable way in which viable labour politics could be developed here was by getting the British Labour Party to organise here; either by absorbing the NILP or simply disbanding it and replacing it. 1 Introduction: the Constitutional Convention election It was an unfortunate fact of political life that for the third consecutive election the NILP presented a disunited front to the electorate. It was at

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
The policy dynamics

and executive authority on the Northern Ireland devolved administration. The production of different policy outputs for Northern Ireland is conceivable under the terms of the devolved settlement. Furthermore, the exercise of this authority is to be based on cross-community decision-making processes which enjoy heightened legitimacy and achieve higher degrees of regional political accountability. Northern Ireland’s interrupted experience of devolution, particularly from 2002 to 2007 curtailed policy development, outputs and achievements. However, even taking its

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
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America to obtain the lifting of trade restrictions and legislative independence for the Irish parliament.1 These dual objectives were achieved in 1779 and 1782 respectively. Yet the executive branch of the Irish government remained responsible to the Imperial cabinet. Moreover, the Viceroy retained the ability to manipulate the corrupt Irish parliament through the liberal distribution of patronage. Most importantly, the Reform Act of 1782 failed to address the aspirations of the Protestant middle classes, which largely remained excluded from the political process. By

in In the wake of the great rebellion
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departments. The initiative in introducing legislation comes from the Executive and party organisation within the House is used to see that ministerial policies pass through the chamber. This is why Walles could describe the House of Commons as being more a ‘a legitimiser than a legislature’.5 As Shaw remarks, ‘Parliament . . . is where the merits of legislation are Chap 5 28/8/03 114 1:11 pm Page 114 Understanding US/UK government and politics discussed, but not where the laws are made. In Congress . . . there is both discussion and law-making. Parliament is a

in Understanding US/UK government and politics

and meetings, meetings task forces experts and networks Number of bodies 8 2 2 6 8 15 16 5 4 1 13 13 7 9 11 25 22 6 3 9 10 21 20 3 4 3 2 14 5 10 12 1 5 5 2 3 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 54 27 3 8 3 3 31 26 8 8 26 25 18 16 5 14 9 5 5 1 3 93 77 16 1 267 high degree, but it is in the work of the committees that the idea of a member-state-driven organisation is most clearly unfolded. The meso-level: politics meets administration Clearly, there are important links between the ‘political’ level related to the Council, the Executive Committee

in Unpacking international organisations