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Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

executive directors at times of transition between appointments, Dr Tangerine Holt was the first woman to be formally appointed as executive director of the Commission, in 2011. Talk of commissioning an official history had come to nought back in 1990.1 The history finally written –​this book –​was not commissioned but was the outcome of an independent approach by Fulbright alumna Diane Kirkby to Executive Director Mark Darby to seek Australian Research Council funding for a Linkage Project of scholarly investigation. This study has located the Australian

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
The veterans and the extreme right
Chris Millington

Action combattante. Galland blamed the broken promises of members, while executive member Grasseau accused unnamed rivals of stealing the UNC’s programme. Does Action combattante’s failure prove a general distaste for political action among UNC veterans? In some areas this was the case. In the absence of membership lists one cannot specify the proportion of veterans that was favourable to Action combattante. The veterans’ rejection of • 119 • From victory to Vichy militant political action was not unanimous but it was not insignificant. The desire for politically

in From victory to Vichy
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Toward Vichy
Chris Millington

moving closer to the right. In May 1938, president of the UNC’s Corrèze group Lacoste informed his colleagues that, in his area at least, the vast majority of UF ‘troops’ were ‘100 per cent UNC’.25 Furthermore, though the UNC had initially been unsure of the UF’s politics, by February 1939 its suspicions had eased. In fact, UNC executive members noted that Pichot’s association had consulted the UNC on everything since the public safety campaign. Isaac perceived little divergence between the two groups’ doctrines.26 Goy, too, was sure of the support of the UF

in From victory to Vichy
Carrie Hamilton

the midst of these events a letter from Arzelus’s local feminist collective to the radical nationalist daily Egin attempted to address the complex personal and political realities of her life, including her choices and commitment as a nationalist, as an ETA activist and as a woman.7 The letter acknowledges the difficulties she had experienced, including tensions with her family and her partner, as well as the dangers she faced as an ETA activist. While it shares with the wider radical nationalist press the tone of homage to a martyr, the letter stood alone amid the

in Women and ETA
Monarchy in New Zealand, political rhetoric and adjusting to the end of empire
H. Kumarasingham

politics. New Zealand was founded by royal proclamation and its Constitution still formally places executive power with the Crown. Prime ministers derive their power from their role as first adviser to the Crown in the exercise of executive power and it is the New Zealand Crown which has the power to summon, prorogue and dissolve the national legislature. Leaders of the Opposition are formally Leaders of Her

in Rhetorics of empire
Stephen Constantine

for freedom and democracy against the dark powers of totalitarian authority could not leave unmoved the citizens of Gibraltar, any more than the subjects in other British colonies or, of course, in Britain who in July 1945 elected for the first time a majority Labour government. However, even without the war and the evacuation, it was unlikely, given the agitation in Gibraltar before 1940, that the Executive Council and the City Council as currently constituted would have been regarded by political activists and camp followers as sufficient. The war and post-war years

in Community and identity
Liberals and Labour in the East Midlands coalfield
David Howell

resignations.44 Dissatisfaction with officials’ behaviour and with the limited response by the Asquith government to the demands of the MFGB and the Labour party did not precipitate a decisive shift in the DMA’s politics. Rather, political controversies over the next two years would demonstrate the durability of the Liberal connection. The Labour party began to address the delicate issue of the miners’ MPs after the December 1910 election. Although sensitivity was essential in dealings with the MFGB Executive, its increasing dominance by supporters of independence

in The art of the possible
A political philosophy of language?
Carine Lounissi

2  Thomas Paine’s democratic linguistic radicalism: a political philosophy of language? Carine Lounissi Thomas Paine’s thought and writings have often been described as ‘radical’ with regard to various forms of ‘radicalism’. They have been viewed as pertaining in turn or simultaneously to ‘radical Lockeanism’,1 to a form of eighteenth-century ‘new’ British ‘radicalism’,2 to a form of ‘American radicalism’ at the origin of the Declaration of Independence3 and of a ‘community of radical democrats’4 in the United States of the 1790s, to ‘transatlantic radicalism’5

in Radical voices, radical ways
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Andrew Mansfield

vituperation in the political literature between 1708 and 1714 reflected the hostility and fears of a Jacobite restoration. While Jacobite hopes were ended by a trifecta of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), George I’s accession (1714), and the failed Jacobite rising (1715–16), opposition remained. A new commercial society from the 1710s produced a rising perception that the effects of the Financial Revolution were corrupting government. Attempts by the executive (the crown and Whig ministry) to assert its superiority stimulated cries against the erosion of political liberty, the

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Richard Rathbone

Coast] Cabinet’. 35 The advent of Africans into the Executive Council and Ministries in large numbers appears to have altered the style of communication in security matters. E. Hanrott wrote secretly to G. E. Sinclair of the Gold Coast’s Ministry of Defence and External Affairs in July 1951 that ‘for obvious reasons your Political Intelligence Notes are more reticent than they used to be and … there

in Policing and decolonisation