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Toward Vichy

moving closer to the right. In May 1938, president of the UNC’s Corrèze group Lacoste informed his colleagues that, in his area at least, the vast majority of UF ‘troops’ were ‘100 per cent UNC’.25 Furthermore, though the UNC had initially been unsure of the UF’s politics, by February 1939 its suspicions had eased. In fact, UNC executive members noted that Pichot’s association had consulted the UNC on everything since the public safety campaign. Isaac perceived little divergence between the two groups’ doctrines.26 Goy, too, was sure of the support of the UF

in From victory to Vichy

the midst of these events a letter from Arzelus’s local feminist collective to the radical nationalist daily Egin attempted to address the complex personal and political realities of her life, including her choices and commitment as a nationalist, as an ETA activist and as a woman.7 The letter acknowledges the difficulties she had experienced, including tensions with her family and her partner, as well as the dangers she faced as an ETA activist. While it shares with the wider radical nationalist press the tone of homage to a martyr, the letter stood alone amid the

in Women and ETA
Monarchy in New Zealand, political rhetoric and adjusting to the end of empire

politics. New Zealand was founded by royal proclamation and its Constitution still formally places executive power with the Crown. Prime ministers derive their power from their role as first adviser to the Crown in the exercise of executive power and it is the New Zealand Crown which has the power to summon, prorogue and dissolve the national legislature. Leaders of the Opposition are formally Leaders of Her

in Rhetorics of empire

for freedom and democracy against the dark powers of totalitarian authority could not leave unmoved the citizens of Gibraltar, any more than the subjects in other British colonies or, of course, in Britain who in July 1945 elected for the first time a majority Labour government. However, even without the war and the evacuation, it was unlikely, given the agitation in Gibraltar before 1940, that the Executive Council and the City Council as currently constituted would have been regarded by political activists and camp followers as sufficient. The war and post-war years

in Community and identity
Liberals and Labour in the East Midlands coalfield

resignations.44 Dissatisfaction with officials’ behaviour and with the limited response by the Asquith government to the demands of the MFGB and the Labour party did not precipitate a decisive shift in the DMA’s politics. Rather, political controversies over the next two years would demonstrate the durability of the Liberal connection. The Labour party began to address the delicate issue of the miners’ MPs after the December 1910 election. Although sensitivity was essential in dealings with the MFGB Executive, its increasing dominance by supporters of independence

in The art of the possible

Coast] Cabinet’. 35 The advent of Africans into the Executive Council and Ministries in large numbers appears to have altered the style of communication in security matters. E. Hanrott wrote secretly to G. E. Sinclair of the Gold Coast’s Ministry of Defence and External Affairs in July 1951 that ‘for obvious reasons your Political Intelligence Notes are more reticent than they used to be and … there

in Policing and decolonisation
A political philosophy of language?

2  Thomas Paine’s democratic linguistic radicalism: a political philosophy of language? Carine Lounissi Thomas Paine’s thought and writings have often been described as ‘radical’ with regard to various forms of ‘radicalism’. They have been viewed as pertaining in turn or simultaneously to ‘radical Lockeanism’,1 to a form of eighteenth-century ‘new’ British ‘radicalism’,2 to a form of ‘American radicalism’ at the origin of the Declaration of Independence3 and of a ‘community of radical democrats’4 in the United States of the 1790s, to ‘transatlantic radicalism’5

in Radical voices, radical ways
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vituperation in the political literature between 1708 and 1714 reflected the hostility and fears of a Jacobite restoration. While Jacobite hopes were ended by a trifecta of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), George I’s accession (1714), and the failed Jacobite rising (1715–16), opposition remained. A new commercial society from the 1710s produced a rising perception that the effects of the Financial Revolution were corrupting government. Attempts by the executive (the crown and Whig ministry) to assert its superiority stimulated cries against the erosion of political liberty, the

in Ideas of monarchical reform
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The Jeunes de l’UF and the Jeunes de l’UNC

de la Fédération Républicaine, suffered from the presence of party personalities in its executive. The FR did not intend the group to attract mass support but to regenerate the cadres of the party. As a result, it became an imitation of the FR.16 Despite this loss of faith in the youthful force of ex-servicemen, the language of youth and generational conflict remained intrinsic to the veterans’ political discourse. A desire to break with pre-war ways saw veterans’ associations pit the dynamism and action associated with ‘youth’ against the allegedly ineffective

in From victory to Vichy

-sponsored MP, she was fortunate that the Political General Secretary gave permission for her travels.215 On occasion, Wright Robinson reminded Wilkinson of her obligations to the union but generally understood the heavy schedule that Wilkinson maintained. After Wilkinson had cancelled a speaking commitment in Bingley in order to attend a reconvened meeting of the LAI executive in Brussels, she faced serious complaints that resulted in an investigation on the part of NUDAW’s Political General Secretary.216 Wilkinson had to account for her time to the union, provide lists of

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson