Search results

below in the case of Belgium and Spain. At the same time there has been a ‘deethnicisation’ of territory. Ethnic appeals have been de-legitimised, so the territory is presented as involving the experience of those living within it. The fifth theme identified by Keating, Loughlin and Deschouwer (2003) is that of top-down functional regionalisation. There has always been a tension between political decentralisation and state regionalisation. Decentralisation ‘entails the exercise of autonomous decision-making concerning a set of political powers by sub-state governments

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
Abstract only
Traces of a regional political class in Catalonia and Scotland

theoretical level, the study provides counter-evidence to any claim that the principle of functional and territorial differentiation are necessarily in opposition or in conflict with each other. Looking at two cases where concurrent processes of regionalisation and political professionalisation allow for the analysis of the interaction of the two principles in its most pronounced form, we have not discovered them taking hold at the expense of each other. In neither of the cases has political professionalisation eroded the territorial bonds of regional politicians and the

in Towards a regional political class?
Memory and security without visibility

security exists to efface mortality, contra other arguments made about the functionality of anticipatory practices. But can you successfully memorialise an event that was invisible? Can you use a visible, physical design to efface a bombsite that is unseen? These may seem like abstract questions; however, these are issues that directly affect the commemoration of the London bombings

in Death and security

transformation, and the generation of qualitative differentiation of outputs. In this perspective, of course it might be that in some economies, or indeed for certain outputs, multiple agents might aim to produce qualitative similarity and homogeneity, permitting like-for-like comparison between outputs, and, in a competitive market economy, assuming success, competition would lead to success for the firm delivering the lowest price for the same product. But let us assume the opposite is the case, and that firms compete to achieve market positions of qualitative distinction

in Inequality and Democratic Egalitarianism
Abstract only

access to social goods, but instead as an institutional role permitting moral agency within a complex and differentiated institutional space. Although there is indeed a relationship between personal identities and the role of citizen, it is precisely a relationship between two, separate, categories of human existence in action. Citizenship is not about being, but about doing. It is not about what, or who, we are, or how we describe ourselves to ourselves and to each other. Instead, citizenship defines the space and possibilities for certain kinds of action within a

in Supranational Citizenship
Open Access (free)

viability of democratic arrangements within and across pre-established borders. Whatever the lessons stemming from the process of bringing together a number of democratic governments under the organisational logic of a larger management system, the work at hand will have made a contribution if it offers an opportunity to communicate the major concerns underlying the evolutionary nature of European governance and its functionally structured subsystems. Such a task represents, above all, a pragmatic challenge, confronting, on the one hand, the transformation of

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
A cognitive perspective

knowledge diffusion and creation. We opposed the two paradigms as alternative ways of differentiating food networks, providing ‘functional’ versus ‘identity’ food, but emphasised that the globalisation of agrofood networks was combining governance institutions related to those two paradigms. My intention here is to relate these cognitive frameworks to the discussion of the economic approach of quality. References Akerlof, A. G. (1970), ‘The market for lemons: quality uncertainty and the market mechanism’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 84, pp. 488–500. Allaire, G. (1995

in Qualities of food
Structuring self-made offers and demands

States and their politicoadministrative systems? We might point to a set of trends from the Brussels arenas which need to be analysed in terms of their potential effects on national systems. Of particular relevance are: • The dynamic evolution of new and refined treaty provisions leading – in a typical pattern – to an ever-increasing set of communitarised frameworks for policy-making: para-constitutional communitarisation with a growing role for all Community institutions. • The subsequent widening of the functional scope of integration: sectoral differentiation

in Fifteen into one?

membership of a complex, functionally differentiated community. As Collini has suggested, a characteristic theoretical move in Victorian and post-Victorian moral and political thought was to confront moral agents with a stark ethical polarity: either they performed their assigned social duty or they lapsed into morally discreditable selfishness. This dichotomy established the ‘unreflective Kantianism of Victorian moral commonplaces’,6 and produced a common style of thinking across a variety of intellectual idioms influential on progressive thought. Idealist political

in Equality and the British Left

comment on corporatism and neo-­corporatism as more widely understood. Bipartism in Ireland in a neo-­corporatist perspective The broad theoretical context for Ireland’s first attempt at centralised bargaining in the 1970-­81 period is post-­war corporatism. Social corporatism or neo-­ corporatism was defined by Schmitter as: a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized into a limited number of singular, compulsory, non-­competitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally differentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not

in Asymmetric engagement