Search results

Open Access (free)
Personal Shakespeare
Steve Sohmer

difficult and unsatisfying play. But with Carey taking the role of Faulconbridge – and the wrong successor, an unknown Prince Henry, suddenly appearing out of nowhere to fill John’s vacant throne in 5.7 – how much more pensive and politically relevant the work now seems. If Shakespeare’s hopes for resurrection and reunion with his lost son Hamnet, the passing of Nashe, and the

in Reading Shakespeare’s mind
Abstract only
Shakespeare and the supernatural
Victoria Bladen and Yan Brailowsky

Supernatural elements constitute a significant dimension of Shakespeare's plays: ghosts haunt political spaces and internal psyches; witches foresee the future and disturb the present; fairies meddle with love; natural portents and dreams foreshadow events; and a magus conjures a tempest from the elements. These aspects contribute to the dramatic power and intrigue of the plays, whether they are treated in performance with irony, comedic effect or unsettling gravity. Although Shakespeare's plays were written and performed for early modern

in Shakespeare and the supernatural
Jean R. Brink

matriculated, was central to Reformation history. Of the men with close ties to Pembroke who played major roles in contemporary church politics, the most prominent was Edmund Grindal (1519?–1583; appointed Archbishop of Canterbury 1575 and served until 1583). He appears in Spenser's early literary work Shepheardes Calender (1579) under the anagram Algrind and as representative of the view that the clergy should be held to a higher standard

in The early Spenser, 1554–80
Sir Philip Sidney and stoical virtue
Richard James Wood

. However, Skretkowicz does highlight a particular difference between the two men: Duplessis-Mornay’s stoical philosophy ‘inspires a selfless flight to the end of life’, an unwillingness to compromise to save oneself from martyrdom; while Languet ‘identifies a very practical need in the world of politics to tolerate personal failings’, and is even prepared to excuse those who eschew martyrdom. 3 Duplessis-Mornay’s combative attitude—what Skretkowicz describes as ‘enduring the worst in a positive, fighting spirit’ 4 —is evident in his Discours de la mort et de la vie

in Sidney's Arcadia and the conflicts of virtue
Laurie Johnson

political lock-picking’, so any allegory likely to still be discernible several centuries later surely would not have gone unnoticed and therefore unpunished, 21 there have been a number of attempts to map the play's treatment of gendered authority while excluding any direct topical reference to the queen herself. 22 Maurice Hunt, on the other hand, suggests that Midsummer could more safely encrypt an allegory about Elizabeth that was not intended for her instruction but

in Shakespeare and the supernatural
A Philippist reading of Sidney’s New Arcadia
Richard James Wood

settles on the Second Helvetic Confession (1566), which was adopted by the Swiss Reformed churches, as one of the bases for his ‘discussion of the religious ideas that shaped the way Sidney saw his world’. 5 Alan Sinfield, in Faultlines: Cultural Materialism and the Politics of Dissident Reading , asserts that Sidney ‘belonged to the puritan party’. 6 He uses ‘puritan’ ‘to mean those committed to the zealous maintenance and furtherance of the Elizabethan protestant settlement’, which, in Sinfield’s view, did not ‘involve a distinctive doctrinal perspective’, as

in Sidney's Arcadia and the conflicts of virtue
Transformations of witchcraft in Macbeth discourse
William C. Carroll

The Macbeth narrative, over a period of time, has thus been transformed from a typical Scottish account of secular ambition, rival factions and weak or strong kings, without any supernatural forces at work, to a narrative of supernatural intrusion and demonic prophecy. R. J. Adam has argued that as Macbeth was a man of Moray, the demonisation may have sprung from local politics: ‘Moray remained the great danger to the Normanizing, Anglicizing house of Malcolm Ceann-mòr for almost a century after his death’, and so the story of Duncan received a post hoc ‘tragic

in Shakespeare and the supernatural
Abstract only
Jean R. Brink

of Cambridge from the Earliest Times to 1900 , compiled by John Venn and J.A. Venn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922), 1: xiv. 9 For Spenser's attitude toward the church, see Jeffrey Knapp, ‘Spenser the Priest’, Representations , 81 (2003), 61–78. On the political and religious context, see David Norbrook

in The early Spenser, 1554–80
Abstract only
Victoria Coldham-Fussell

expected by Spenser’s first readers: a commonplace classical idea was that in order to write about heroic deeds and great civilisations a poet must himself be heroically minded and politically wise. ‘The poet’, wrote Longinus, ‘is accustomed to enter into the greatness of his heroes’. 4 The joint motivation for praise noted by Berry and Cheney was another traditional point of connection between poet and hero, as was their promotion of national interests: Du Bellay looked back approvingly to a time when the monarch ‘desiroit plus le renaitre d’Homere, que le gaing d

in Comic Spenser
Yulia Ryzhik

, resorting to arms, though they have not yet turned against the gods and nature, are ‘not yet impious’ ( Meta I.125–7). In the Age of Iron, division becomes for the first time political: the earth, ‘which had hitherto been a common possession like the sunlight and the air’ ( Meta I.135), is now defaced with boundary lines and ripped to its very bowels by men in search of riches ( Meta I.136–40). Wealth – which is to say, divided and unequal ownership – leads to envy and suspicion, which lead to warfare and worse: husband turns against wife, son against father, host

in Spenser and Donne