back into the children’s world. Visions of future war do not seem to have
sparked memorable activity, or inspired fear or anxiety.
On the other hand, the First World War had a strong presence in many of
the oral narratives, demonstrating the powerful impact of 1914–18 during the interwar years. For children, who lacked the political, cultural or
social ability or need to instrumentalise war memory, the ‘local, particular,
v 56 v
parochial and familial forms’ of remembering created an understanding
firmly rooted in the domestic universe.18 A
many more to lose their home? Jacques’ death cast a long shadow over
his siblings’ lives; yet bombing’s omission – until recently – from official,
public and scholarly accounts of the war in France has meant that such
people have been denied a space in which their trauma can be heard and
their losses recognised. Édith did not seem bitter. She criticised neither
v 211 v
the bombers nor the forces that have buried her brother a second time,
under more politically useful versions of the national past. But to ignore
this death, and the impact of the
aid.15 Despite a rhetorical obsession with national solidarity, its aid was
not universal. People received it as charity, following judgements made
about whether they were sufficiently deserving. Its assistance was not an
Helping the sinistrés in the aftermath of bombing became a politically charged task. As state aid was so slow, and the Secours National was
hampered by bureaucracy, space opened up for others to step into. The
Comité Ouvrier de Secours Immédiat (COSI, Workers’ Emergency Relief
Committee) was founded in March 1942, before the advent
people, Sonia’s family was not bereaved by the
Allied bombing; thus Allied air raids were less prominent in memory,
which was dominated by other hardships. These perspectives illustrate
v 204 v
Friends, enemies and the wider war
the way in which ordinary people experience political events: ultimately,
the wellbeing of those upon whom they depend materially and emotionally shapes how such events are lived and remembered.
The narrators also weighed their own experiences of bombing against
those of people elsewhere. Michèle Martin (Boulogne-Billancourt) said
The TransAtlantic reconsidered brings together established experts from Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies – two fields that are closely connected in their historical and disciplinary development as well as with regard to the geographical area of their interest. Questions of methodology and boundaries of periodization tend to separate these research fields. However, in order to understand the Atlantic World and transatlantic relations today, Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies should be considered together. The scholars represented in this volume have helped to shape, re-shape, and challenge the narrative(s) of the Atlantic World and can thus (re-)evaluate its conceptual basis in view of historiographical developments and contemporary challenges. This volume thus documents and reflects on the changes within Transatlantic Studies during the last decades. New perspectives on research reconceptualize how we think about the Atlantic World. At a time when many political observers perceive a crisis in transatlantic relations, critical evaluation of past narratives and frameworks will provide an academic foundation to move forward.
This book paints a picture of
Ascham as an ‘anti-radical’ parliamentarian who used ideas
of natural right to argue for obedience to authority rather than to
challenge it, prioritising order over liberty and representation.
Ascham’s career is placed within the context of parliamentarian
politics before the regicide, and the politics of the new regime from
The Puritan Revolution of
mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important
political thinking. But while due attention has been given to the most
famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there
are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom
Anthony Ascham is one. Ascham does attract a certain amount of scholarly
The history of relief work is in its infancy. This book draws on new archival research to reveal the priorities of nineteenth-century relief workers, and the legacies of their preoccupations for relief work today. It first explores the inauguration of the British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War (NAS) at the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870 under the figurehead of Loyd Lindsay. Then, the book sees the revival of the NAS for work in the Balkans during a period of nationalist violence and Ottoman counter-insurgency which culminated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. It also follows the staff of relief committees as they dispensed aid in British colonial wars. The book examines the critiques of British policy in the Boer War (1899-1902) emanating from intersecting circles of Quakers, New Liberals and ethicists, and considers these groups' offer of aid to Boer civilians. Further, the book concentrates on the methodologies of relief for Boer inmates of British concentration camps in South Africa and on the implications of this relief for its intended recipients during and after the war. It concentrates on aid to British soldiers. The book closes by tracing continuities in vocational practices and dispositions to emerging areas of concern in the post-war period, in particular child welfare, and briefly considers their implication for relief work today.
Throughout the 1990s, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) was forced to face the challenges posed by the genocide of Rwandan Tutsis and a succession of major outbreaks of political violence in Rwanda and its neighbouring countries. Humanitarian workers were confronted with the execution of close to one million people, tens of thousands of casualties pouring into health centres, the flight of millions of others who had sought refuge in camps and a series of deadly epidemics. Where and in what circumstances were the MSF teams deployed? What medical and non-medical assistance were they able to deliver? Drawing on various hitherto unpublished private and public archives, this book recounts the experiences of the MSF teams working in the field. It also describes the tensions (and cooperation) between international humanitarian agencies, the crucial negotiations conducted at local, national and international level and the media campaigns. The messages communicated to the public by MSF’s teams bear witness to diverse practical, ethical and political considerations. How to react when humanitarian workers are first-hand witnesses to mass crimes? How to avoid becoming accomplices to criminal stratagems? How to deliver effective aid in situations of extreme violence? This book is intended for humanitarian aid practitioners, students, journalists and researchers with an interest in genocide and humanitarian studies and the political sociology of international organisations.
The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.