The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.
Throughout the 1990s, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) was forced to face the challenges posed by the genocide of Rwandan Tutsis and a succession of major outbreaks of political violence in Rwanda and its neighbouring countries. Humanitarian workers were confronted with the execution of close to one million people, tens of thousands of casualties pouring into health centres, the flight of millions of others who had sought refuge in camps and a series of deadly epidemics. Where and in what circumstances were the MSF teams deployed? What medical and non-medical assistance were they able to deliver? Drawing on various hitherto unpublished private and public archives, this book recounts the experiences of the MSF teams working in the field. It also describes the tensions (and cooperation) between international humanitarian agencies, the crucial negotiations conducted at local, national and international level and the media campaigns. The messages communicated to the public by MSF’s teams bear witness to diverse practical, ethical and political considerations. How to react when humanitarian workers are first-hand witnesses to mass crimes? How to avoid becoming accomplices to criminal stratagems? How to deliver effective aid in situations of extreme violence? This book is intended for humanitarian aid practitioners, students, journalists and researchers with an interest in genocide and humanitarian studies and the political sociology of international organisations.
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier
help historians to take account of the issues set by global frameworks.
To understand why, it makes sense to understand the ideological context within which transatlantic history developed. The field matured within the Atlantic political order advanced by the United States since its return to intervention in world affairs in the Second World War. And not only did the field develop within that political context; its premises built upon that context. Precisely the tremors of that geopolitical framework today reveal how implicitly connected were
to the relation between obedience and protection by combining arguments
drawn from Grotius’s jus belli and natural law theory (that
appealed to the Independents), with a vision of God-derived and fatherly
authority drawn from Romans 13 and Filmer’s political
patriarchalism (that appealed to the Presbyterians). This chapter will
focus on the latter two issues separately.
There is no doubt that a particular transatlantic era is now drawing to a close. Levels of trade and investment are greater than any other inter-regional economic space, and NATO continues to function as a unique common security organization. Yet the conditions that led to the transatlantic era’s dominance in global affairs are fading out. Other areas of the world – the Asia-Pacific, Latin America – are taking on greater significance, politically, economically, financially, and in terms of global governance. US–European relations are being
their rights, and
deprived us of the comfort of their Governments’. 5 In cases of extreme
necessity, the God-given natural law of self-preservation led men to
political obedience despite opposite arguments grounded on juridical
legitimacy or precedents, and ‘Princes cannot by their commands
change the nature of human condition … obliging us to morall
distant suffering and efforts at its amelioration had
implications both for the domestic aspirations of British agitators
and for those for whom urgent relief and intervention was advocated
(though not necessarily in ways anticipated by British
sympathisers). This chapter focuses on how the politics of humanity
and relief reverberated in ‘progressive’ circles in
The post-war ideological construct of the Atlantic order rested on two distinct visions for the post-war world. These visions were characterized by radically different genealogies and long-term aims; indeed, their only point of convergence was in a minimalist consensus on the imperative of greater transatlantic cooperation. The first vision – born and bred by liberal-democratic American and British intellectuals – called upon the United States to strengthen its political and economic ties with Europe so as to protect the shared democratic
individuals might not be worthy of the throne. This
point was reminiscent of the position of the political group of the
Independents, who before 1649 were seeking to restrain Charles I’s
prerogatives in order to end the Civil War, and to reach an agreement
with Presbyterians on this ground. Ascham also made clear his aversion
to the political and social implications of radical and
The effectiveness of aid in the face of repeated mass atrocities
Jean-Hervé Bradol and Marc Le Pape
all the health crises occurring in Rwanda and its four neighbouring
countries. Our reviews have focused primarily on activities implemented
between 1990 and 1997, a period during which political violence was the
main cause of mortality among Rwandan people.
From April 1994, MSF’s teams were
not only confronted with the indirect consequences of the war, such as
food shortages and epidemics triggered by