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’s contemporaries, or create a subculture of old age. Instead, studies of older people’s ‘collective identity’ will need to give due consideration to a form of collective action which is conditioned by both the outcome of institutionalised and cultural systems, and closely connected with individual responses to, and perceptions of, the context in which older people find themselves. It is therefore not a politics separated from the dominant cultural milieu but one which is closely connected to it. The findings of this book suggest that institutional structures and the welfare

in The politics of old age

War Victims, Disabled, Pensioners and Survivors), founded in 1917, by 1921 had 639,856 members (Cohen, 2003). Among its aims was the advancement of the interests of older veterans in broader welfare issues, such as free or reduced fares on public transport, higher pensions and secure employment (ibid.). Membership of the various organisations frequently aligned with veterans’ ideological values, for example, their religious or political (conservative or social democratic) affiliation. It was not until the 1930s and more prominently in the post-Second World War years

in The politics of old age
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Contextualising the ‘politics of old age’

1 Introduction: contextualising the ‘politics of old age’ In his 2001 budget speech, the Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance, Charlie McCreevy, stated that the government wished to recognise ‘the part played by the workers of yesterday in laying the foundation for so much of our current economic success’ (Humphries, 2000) and granted all persons aged 70 years and over an automatic entitlement to a medical card. The medical card offered beneficiaries free GP services, prescribed drugs and medicines (with some exceptions), in-patient public hospital services, out

in The politics of old age
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The oddity of democracy

aspiring politicians would have questioned the desirability of democracy, however much they might have sought to evade, undermine, or destroy it in practice, this formal or merely compliant accord obscured rather than addressed the problems of democratic government and politics. For there to be government, by the people or by anyone else, there has to be someone to be governed. Even ‘self-government’ by an individual depends on there being a divided self, the rebellious id and the controlling super-ego. Though democracy is government by the people it is also government

in Cultivating political and public identity
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relationship is likely to be qualified by others, so that its contribution will be just that, a contribution, not a determinant. This makes a universal science of human conduct unlikely or unreliable, and predictions dangerous. It is better to expect unexpected and creative identities. This limits the usefulness of both Marxism and utilitarian rational-choice accounts. The jibe has been made that social history was no more than the history of the crinoline. But that underrates, entirely misses, the character of identity both individual and social or political. People will

in Cultivating political and public identity

2 Permeable borders, performative politics and public mistrust Rita: I was just taking the train from Victoria to Clapham Junction. And Clapham Junction when I get off from the train, I saw so many UKBA [UK Border Agency] people they were there, I saw them with large dogs, blocking the entire area. I had a visa and have it now also. But I got really scared because I could

in Go home?
A case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup

70 Concepts and history 4 Mega sports events as political tools: a case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup Suzanne Dowse Although predominantly justified in economic terms,1 mega sport events (MSEs) are widely perceived as political opportunities in relation to urban regeneration,2 public diplomacy and soft power accrual.3 However, while these ambitions are well recognised, the frequent recurrence of a disconnect or ‘disjoint’ between projected costs and benefits has resulted in a growing number of cities, including Oslo

in Sport and diplomacy
Homes Not Jails, urban squatting, and gentrification

6 Bolt cutters and the politics of expropriation: Homes Not Jails, urban squatting, and gentrification I wake up in a cold room in the south side of Chicago: while the house is in great shape for a squat, the windows are drafty and the cold air seeps into the room. If you have ever been in a Chicago cold, you know that no number of layers of clothes and no number of blankets can keep you completely warm. The cold in the city is the kind that gets into your bones, making them ache. But the pain is not all horrible; the pinch of the cold lets you know you are alive

in Cooking up a revolution
Defeats, victories and new strategies

6 ‘Trade union questions were now political questions’ Defeats, victories and new strategies1 This chapter considers the period between May 1913 and August 1914, covering the second (May to August 1913), third (October to December 1913) and fourth (April to August 1914) distinct phases of DFM activity before the outbreak of war. Taken together, these three phases saw at least eleven DFM mass meetings/ conferences at ten different locations. Proportionately, there were fewer of the localised meetings than in the first phase – at least five of the eleven DFM

in The Great Labour Unrest
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings

4 Political life in an antisemitic world: Hannah Arendt's Jewish writings All I wanted was to be a man among other men. I wanted to come lithe and young into a world that was ours and to help to build it together. (Franz Fanon, The Fact of Blackness ) 1 We can never become just Netherlanders, or just English or representatives of any country for that matter. We will always remain

in Antisemitism and the left