Germany, historically, seems to have or have had a ‘problem’ with power because its recent history has clearly been shaped by Germanpolitical power being abused. This was undoubtedly true of the Nazi regime, but there is a body of opinion that sees a tradition of German power being mishandled reaching further back, to the 1871 Empire or even beyond, with the foundations of what is seen as ‘Prussian militarism’ having perhaps been laid early on in the development of the Prussian state (see Leonie Holthaus’ and Annette Weinke’s chapters on early
considers to be a
part of the German Kulturnation, yet accepts the Austrian state (not the Austrian nation). It does express the hope that the two states will one day rejoin.
The rights to national identity and full sovereignty are based on the notion
of internal homogenisation. The party wants the German state to be both
inhabited and governed exclusively by members of the German ethnic community. This means that the (few) foreigners that are allowed to live in Germany should not be allowed to interfere in Germanpolitics. This is why the
party forcefully rejects the
Heymanns Verlag, 1992), pp. 141–163.
16 Christian Starck, “The Constitutionalisation Process of the New Länder: A
Source of Inspiration for the Basic Law?,” GermanPolitics 3, no. 3 (December 1994), pp. 118–119.
17 Von Mutius and Friedrich, “Verfassungsentwicklung,” p. 248.
18 Johannes Dietlein, “Die Rezeption von Bundesgrundrechten durch Landesverfassungsrecht,” Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts 120, no. 1 (March 1995),
19 For foreign activities of the Länder, see Nass, “The Foreign and European
Policy,” pp. 165–184.
20 Arthur B. Gunlicks, “German Federalism After
Leonardy, “Federation and Länder in German Foreign Relations:
Power-Sharing in Treaty-Making and European Affairs,” GermanPolitics 1,
no. 3 (December 1992), p. 120.
252 U.S. 416 (1920).
Rudolf, “Die Bedeutung,” p. 65.
Bruno Schmidt-Bleibtreu and Franz Klein, Kommentar zum Grundgesetz
(8th edn; Neuwied: Luchterhand Verlag, 1995), Article 32, p. 646.
The Lindau Agreement is reprinted in most constitutional commentaries on
Article 32. See, for example, ibid., pp. 644–645.
Leonardy, “Federation and Länder,” pp. 124–126.
Siegfried Magiera, “Verfassungsrechtliche Aspekte der
The Armistice and depictions of victimhood in German women’s art, 1918–24
, sailors and workers, but artists and intellectuals
also formed groups and councils and sought to play an active role in
reshaping Germanpolitics and society.31 Female left-wing political
figures were actively involved in the revolutionary press, and women
writers and artists sympathised with the idealism and promises of
socialist rhetoric.32 Some women also became involved in the artists’
groups that emerged in the wake of the revolution. Female artists in
the Berlin-based Novembergruppe, for example, included Dora Hitz,
Katharina Heise, Margarete Kubicka and Ines
confronted with the expectations of East German women ‘policy makers within all political parties’ began
Between two worlds of father politics
to see the merits of offering women equal opportunities for a work–life balance
(2009:131). Erler’s account illustrated that the ‘Nordic turn’ in the Germanpolitics of parental leave was driven by Social Democratic and Green party politics in
combination with grassroots feminist demands for gender equality in the work–
life balance. Erler’s account overturned the idea that top-down concerns about
low fertility drove the
dilemma over the function of the armed forces.’ 4 Others, coming
from a more constructivist perspective, have made similar observations
about the signiﬁcance of the draft. John Duﬃeld, for one, posited that
the anti-militarism innate to Germanpolitical culture ‘has fostered a
strong, if not universal, attachment to conscription, despite its disadvantages in the circumstances of the post-Cold War era and even
though it has no longer been necessary to prevent a replay of the militaristic excesses of the past’.5 Thomas Berger came to the same
conclusion, maintaining that
, The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648–1815
(London and New York: Longman, 1983), p. 26; Peter H. Wilson, German
Armies: War and GermanPolitics 1648–1806 (London: UCL Press, 1998),
pp. 63, 87, 107, 179, 206–207, 228, 267–269; Dwyryd Wyn Jones, War
and Economy in the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford: Basil
Blackwell, 1988), pp. 8–11; Jeremy Black, ‘Parliament and Foreign Policy
in the Age of Walpole: The Case of the Hessians’, in Knights Errant and
True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800, ed. by Jeremy Black
(Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd
among judicial and political elites as a result
of several cultural and institutional features of the Germanpolitical landscape.
The processes by which national political systems have translated the SSU
norm into specific policy models is thus multi-faceted and cannot, as is largely
the case with the SSU adoption question, be explained by culture alone. I use the
concepts of discursive and political opportunity structures to distinguish the
roles that institutional structures, constitutional norms and broader cultural
values have played in shaping these specific SSU
perspective, it was argued, could the aporia of the subject be overcome without an abandonment
of reason. The appearance of TCA and PDM coincided with a rightward shift in Germanpolitics,
the election of Helmut Kohl in 1982 inaugurating sixteen years of Christian Democratic
government. As previously, it was in Habermas’s journalism that theoretical concerns
were made relevant to contemporary affairs.
’Conservative politics, work, socialism and Utopia today’
(Habermas, 1986d ), an article from 1984, continued to chart