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A historical survey

Germany, historically, seems to have or have had a ‘problem’ with power because its recent history has clearly been shaped by German political power being abused. This was undoubtedly true of the Nazi regime, but there is a body of opinion that sees a tradition of German power being mishandled reaching further back, to the 1871 Empire or even beyond, with the foundations of what is seen as ‘Prussian militarism’ having perhaps been laid early on in the development of the Prussian state (see Leonie Holthaus’ and Annette Weinke’s chapters on early

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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considers to be a part of the German Kulturnation, yet accepts the Austrian state (not the Austrian nation). It does express the hope that the two states will one day rejoin. The rights to national identity and full sovereignty are based on the notion of internal homogenisation. The party wants the German state to be both inhabited and governed exclusively by members of the German ethnic community. This means that the (few) foreigners that are allowed to live in Germany should not be allowed to interfere in German politics. This is why the party forcefully rejects the

in The ideology of the extreme right
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Heymanns Verlag, 1992), pp. 141–163. 16 Christian Starck, “The Constitutionalisation Process of the New Länder: A Source of Inspiration for the Basic Law?,” German Politics 3, no. 3 (December 1994), pp. 118–119. 17 Von Mutius and Friedrich, “Verfassungsentwicklung,” p. 248. 18 Johannes Dietlein, “Die Rezeption von Bundesgrundrechten durch Landesverfassungsrecht,” Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts 120, no. 1 (March 1995), pp. 2–3. 19 For foreign activities of the Länder, see Nass, “The Foreign and European Policy,” pp. 165–184. 20 Arthur B. Gunlicks, “German Federalism After

in The Länder and German federalism

Leonardy, “Federation and Länder in German Foreign Relations: Power-Sharing in Treaty-Making and European Affairs,” German Politics 1, no. 3 (December 1992), p. 120. 252 U.S. 416 (1920). Rudolf, “Die Bedeutung,” p. 65. Bruno Schmidt-Bleibtreu and Franz Klein, Kommentar zum Grundgesetz (8th edn; Neuwied: Luchterhand Verlag, 1995), Article 32, p. 646. The Lindau Agreement is reprinted in most constitutional commentaries on Article 32. See, for example, ibid., pp. 644–645. Leonardy, “Federation and Länder,” pp. 124–126. Siegfried Magiera, “Verfassungsrechtliche Aspekte der

in The Länder and German federalism
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The Armistice and depictions of victimhood in German women’s art, 1918–24

, sailors and workers, but artists and intellectuals also formed groups and councils and sought to play an active role in reshaping German politics and society.31 Female left-wing political figures were actively involved in the revolutionary press, and women writers and artists sympathised with the idealism and promises of socialist rhetoric.32 Some women also became involved in the artists’ groups that emerged in the wake of the revolution. Female artists in the Berlin-based Novembergruppe, for example, included Dora Hitz, Katharina Heise, Margarete Kubicka and Ines

in The silent morning

confronted with the expectations of East German women ‘policy makers within all political parties’ began 96 Between two worlds of father politics to see the merits of offering women equal opportunities for a work–life balance (2009:131). Erler’s account illustrated that the ‘Nordic turn’ in the German politics of parental leave was driven by Social Democratic and Green party politics in combination with grassroots feminist demands for gender equality in the work– life balance. Erler’s account overturned the idea that top-down concerns about low fertility drove the

in Between two worlds of father politics

dilemma over the function of the armed forces.’ 4 Others, coming from a more constructivist perspective, have made similar observations about the significance of the draft. John Duffield, for one, posited that the anti-militarism innate to German political culture ‘has fostered a strong, if not universal, attachment to conscription, despite its disadvantages in the circumstances of the post-Cold War era and even though it has no longer been necessary to prevent a replay of the militaristic excesses of the past’.5 Thomas Berger came to the same conclusion, maintaining that

in Germany and the use of force
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, The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648–1815 (London and New York: Longman, 1983), p. 26; Peter H. Wilson, German Armies: War and German Politics 1648–1806 (London: UCL Press, 1998), pp. 63, 87, 107, 179, 206–207, 228, 267–269; Dwyryd Wyn Jones, War and Economy in the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), pp. 8–11; Jeremy Black, ‘Parliament and Foreign Policy in the Age of Walpole: The Case of the Hessians’, in Knights Errant and True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800, ed. by Jeremy Black (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Common norms, diverse policy models

among judicial and political elites as a result of several cultural and institutional features of the German political landscape. The processes by which national political systems have translated the SSU norm into specific policy models is thus multi-faceted and cannot, as is largely the case with the SSU adoption question, be explained by culture alone. I use the concepts of discursive and political opportunity structures to distinguish the roles that institutional structures, constitutional norms and broader cultural values have played in shaping these specific SSU

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies

intersubjective perspective, it was argued, could the aporia of the subject be overcome without an abandonment of reason. The appearance of TCA and PDM coincided with a rightward shift in German politics, the election of Helmut Kohl in 1982 inaugurating sixteen years of Christian Democratic government. As previously, it was in Habermas’s journalism that theoretical concerns were made relevant to contemporary affairs. ’Conservative politics, work, socialism and Utopia today’ (Habermas, 1986d ), an article from 1984, continued to chart

in Habermas and European integration