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in 1577. In late 1579, when Sir Henry realized that he would not be appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with Philip as his Deputy, it would be plausible that he recommended Spenser to Grey. This scenario may not have enough external evidence to be entirely persuasive, but it is not implausible. Some biographical issues can be clarified if we recognize that we are dealing not with a dichotomy between fact and fiction but with a continuum extending from the

in The early Spenser, 1554–80

and form of government. During the Middle Ages, as aficionados of the legend of Robin Hood will be aware, the King’s senior representative in a county was normally the Sheriff;15 but by the sixteenth century their frequent failure to rally the local gentry to support the Crown in times of need16 led to a decline in the Sheriffs’ political importance. Their influence was superseded by that of the Lord Lieutenant, the monarch’s direct representative in the county and below them the justices of the peace (JPs), appointed usually at the Lord Lieutenant’s nomination. The

in Explaining local government
Ireland, the Nine Years’ War and the succession

agenda. Furthermore, there are indications that the rank and file among the rebels believed the same thing. Bingham, now knight marshal of Ireland, declared in January 1599 that the confederates themselves had been ‘made to believe that they ha[d] the assistance of the King of Scotland’. With characteristic deviousness, he recommended that a regiment or two of Scots should be employed against the rebels, because they would be crestfallen ‘to hear that their friends were waged against them’.49 The advent of Essex as Lord Lieutenant, in spring 1599, himself an advocate

in Doubtful and dangerous

-option; in practice all were Donegall’s nominees, chosen from among relatives, dependents and friends. When the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Cornwallis, toured the north in 1799 to solicit public declarations of support for the forthcoming Act of Union, he decided that it would be pointless to follow the usual course of obtaining a resolution in favour from the Sovereign and burgesses, ‘for as the Corporation of that great and opulent town is entirely in the hands of Lord Donegall, it is necessary in some manner to obtain a public mark of approbation from the

in Civic identity and public space
Criminal courts

voluntarily for eighteen months and the Lord Lieutenant accordingly commuted her sentence and directed this course of action.98 The practice of transferring women to institutions after arrest, or allowing those convicted of crimes such as concealment of birth to enter these establishments as an alternative to prison, would become increasingly common in the twentieth century.99 More than 40 per cent of the 211 women found guilty of infant murder or concealment of birth in James Smith’s sample were received into other institutions than prisons.100 Using a larger sample of

in ‘A most diabolical deed’
July 1848

were also put in place in Belfast. The local magistrates estimated that by July, there were five Confederate clubs in the town and that many of their supporters possessed arms. They therefore asked the Lord Lieutenant for permission to enrol Special Police Constables, while the Police Committee 3313 Repeal and Revolution.qxd:Between Growth&Security.qxd ‘A sacred obligation’ 21/4/09 10:07 Page 189 189 sought permission for the local constabulary to be ‘immediately armed and trained to military discipline’.40 As was the case elsewhere, the authorities employed

in Repeal and revolution

petitioning the lord lieutenant to mitigate the effects of the penal laws.28 However, these efforts may have been undermined by the service given by successive generations of Esmondes to the armies of France, Spain and Austria during the eighteenth century. Sir John, the 5th baronet (d.1758), served as a captain of dragoons in the Spanish army in the 1730s, while his cousin James, 7th baronet (1701–67), served in the French army.29 His uncle Patrick, Chevalier d’Esmonde, was in the Austrian service (and spent seven years in a Turkish prison)30 along with his son Maurice

in Irish Catholic identities

, part 2, p. 22. 22 Francis Hutchinson to William Wake, June 1721 (C.C., Wake Letters, vol. 13, no. 251). 14 134 Ireland he died on 15 October 1720. Two weeks after Smythe’s death, William King wrote to the head of the Irish executive, the Lord Lieutenant, Charles Fitzroy, Duke of Grafton, to ask him to present the vacant bishopric to the Irish Dean of Clogher and chaplain to the House of Commons, William Gore. Gore was brother to the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, Ralph Gore, and both men were prominent members of the Irish interest.23 King was particularly

in Witchcraft and Whigs

reassessment see O’Halpin, Decline of the Union , pp. 157–79. 13 Secretary of State for War to Chief of the Imperial General Staff [CIGS], 18 September 1920, PRO WO 32 9537. 14 Lord Lieutenant to Chief Secretary for Ireland, 24

in Policing and decolonisation
The Middlesex Election and the Townshend Duties Crisis

opposition, and a final showdown was precipitated when on 21 November their Chap 9 19/8/02 11:49 am Page 215 The Grafton ministry (1768–1770) 215 factions defeated an Irish Money Bill by 94 votes to 71, because it had originated in the Privy Council not the Commons: that reason opened up a disputed interpretation of Poyning’s Law, a challenge that could not be ignored by the British government. George III reacted with anger, recalling how in 1761 the Undertakers had supported the Lord Lieutenant in a similar confrontation. In a letter of 29 November to Prime

in George III