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Deborah Youngs

Middle English, but it was not in common usage. Nicholas Orme has suggested that because the entrance books of Winchester College noted the ages of the boys in relation to major saint’s days or festivals, it is possible that the boys only had a ‘rough, seasonal idea of their birthdates’. 14 Greater accuracy, however, was important in the compilation of horoscopes, where the exact date and preferably the

in The life–cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500
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Deborah Youngs

nine; the French used enfant for boys under twelve and girls under seven. In Middle English literature, the words ‘child’ and, to a lesser extent, ‘infant’ were in widespread use by the late fourteenth century. While both could have a general use, like the modern-day ‘girl’ or ‘kid’, they were more specifically applied to cover the ages up to puberty, with ‘infaunt’ becoming used in the fifteenth

in The life–cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500
Reformation, revision, texts and nations 1500–1700
Christopher Tyerman

IV and his court. Other texts related to crusading translated into English and printed included Richard Pynson’s 1520 edition of Prince Hayton’s Flowers of the History of the East (1307).38 There was also a market for new crusading texts, such as the Middle English romance poem Capystranus, a fictionalised description of the events surrounding the successful defence of Belgrade by crusaders in 1456, which survives in three printed fragments dating from 1515, 1517 and 1520.39 Scholarly and ecclesiastical libraries retained numerous manuscripts of crusade texts, some

in The Debate on the Crusades
R. N. Swanson

. A. Foster, ‘Saints’ legends’, in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, 1050–1500 , ed. J. B. Severs, II, Hamden, Conn., 1970 , pp. 410–57, 553–649. The culmination of the collection of saints’ lives (in Latin) was the Nova Legenda Anglie , printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1516: C. Horstman, ed

in Catholic England
The image of England in Victorian and Edwardian juvenile fiction
J. S. Bratton

, the real existence of his characters, and his adherence to Froissart and Stowe, whom he found ‘magnetic’ reading. He even undertook to tell his story in a language which would give some flavour of Middle English, but the result was as ineluctably Victorian, in its models for heroism and its reading of history, as Edgar’s tales. These earnest practitioners created a model for boys’ fiction which was

in Imperialism and Popular Culture
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People, objects, information, ideas
Tamson Pietsch

to Oxford colleges; meanwhile from Auckland the lecturer in Old and Middle English, Philip Sydney Ardern, sent first Kenneth Sisam and then a succession of New Zealanders to Oxford, with each generation extending to the next what Douglas Gray called ‘helping hands along the way’. 7 This flow of colonial students into British universities was sufficiently significant for the Irish

in Empire of scholars
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John Beckett

.E. Tate’s The Parish Chest, published for the first time in 1946,13 offered local historians a guide to the available records, both ecclesiastical and civil, generated in the local community. By contrast, Lionel Munby has described R.B. Pugh’s How to Write a Parish History (1954) as ‘an alarming turn-off for the non-academically educated’. Pugh, general editor of the VCH, wrote in rather pompous tones that ‘the local historian must know Latin . . . [and] may also need to read Old French and Middle English documents . . . A law dictionary is also essential’.14 F

in Writing local history
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Lauren Mancia

. 36–8; Sarah McNamer, Affective Meditation and the Invention of Medieval Compassion (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), pp. 58–85; Anne Derbes, Picturing the Passion in Late Medieval Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 1–11; A.S. Lazikani, Cultivating the Heart: Feeling and Emotion in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Religious Texts (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2015), pp. 1–24; Nicole Rice, Lay Piety and Religious Discipline in Middle English Literature (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), pp. 1

in Emotional monasticism
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The wards of medieval London
Caroline M. Barron

manuscript see, L. R. Mooney The Index of Middle English Prose: Handlist XI: Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 109–11. 22 CLRO, Journal 4 fo. 180; the juries were also to serve for a year and if a juryman died during the year then the alderman was empowered to choose another man to fill the vacancy. 23 In 1437 the precept was written in English, LBK , p. 215. 24 CPMR 1323–64, p. 156. 25 Liber Albus,p. 37. 26 LBD, pp. 215–16. 27 R. W. Chambers and Marjorie Daunt (eds), A Book of London English 1384

in Law, laity and solidarities
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

tax assessors and the royal Chancery remained fairly static and consistent over the period covered by this study. However, the interpretation of these labels can provide a significant challenge. Latin, French and Middle English terms were all used in official documents to describe people’s places of origin, and the distinctive cultural resonances of these different linguistic labels are not always clear. 1 Particular problems emerge in the overlap or conflict between generic and specific terms. For example, many people were noted as ‘French’; but in some places

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550