Sarah-Anne Buckley

diligent as other countries in this respect. The Democratic Programme of the First Dáil has been cited by numerous scholars in discussions of family welfare in post-independence Ireland as a paradigm of what could have been. Social democratic in tone and intention, it was far from the programme chosen by successive governments after independence, which used ‘the spectres of socialism and proselytism’2 as arguments against State interference in family welfare and (non-Catholic) assistance for poor families. While post-war Western states moved away from the nineteenth

in The cruelty man
Sarah-Anne Buckley

can be attributed to religious concerns as well as social need, as Catholic orders established orphanages and schools to counteract what they saw as the proselytising fervour of Protestant institutions. The fear of proselytism could be seen in many areas, such as the debates on the setting up of reformatories for young offenders in 1858, during which the Catholic hierarchy demanded that all boys and girls be sent to schools of their own denomination. Yet the fears worked both ways, as during debates on the formation of industrial schools, Ulster Protestants

in The cruelty man
Abstract only
Joseph McGonagle

Education Lionel Jospin reinstated the students – a decision later upheld by the Conseil d’État, which ruled that wearing religious insignia did not per se constitute an act of proselytism and therefore did not contradict French laws on laïcité. Instead it found the headmaster at fault for not respecting the young women’s right to profess their religious faith, a right guaranteed by the Republic. The subject resurfaced in 1994 when the Education Minister François Bayrou – a member of the centre-right Édouard Balladur government elected the previous year – issued a

in Representing ethnicity in contemporary French visual culture
Abstract only
Brian Stoddart

-Speaking Caribbean to 1914: Towards a Cultural Analysis’, in James A. Mangan, ed., Pleasure, Profit and Proselytism: British Culture and Sport at Home and Abroad, 1750–1914 , London, 1988, reprinted in Beckles and Stoddart, Liberation Cricket. 39 Interview material

in The imperial game
Abstract only
Christian soldiers
Andrew J. May

colonial wars were ‘shorn of guilt by Social Darwinism and racial ideas’. 12 But to look more closely at the contours of his moral world is to upend the ubiquitous question in studies of religion and empire (did missions succour or subvert imperialism?), 13 interrogating instead the extent to which imperial forces abetted religious proselytism. While India had been

in Welsh missionaries and British imperialism
T. M. Devine

feared protestant proselytism in this period, and partially explains why the roman catholic islands and the enclaves of the western mainland tended to generate more emigrants than many other areas. The alternative for the poor and distressed was to obtain passage as indentured servants by which their travel costs were paid in advance in return for a period of bonded service in the colonies, but a remarkably small proportion of all Highland emigrants at this time seem to have travelled in this fashion. Only 150 of the nearly 3,000 Scots emigrants documented in the

in Clanship to crofters’ war
Emigration and the spread of Irish religious influence
Sarah Roddy

further self-congratulation. It was repeatedly asserted that Irish Catholics had proved themselves ‘inviolably attached’ to their religion, and capable of retaining their faith through centuries of challenges.17 Most recently, neither penal laws nor opportunistic proselytism had swayed anything more than a small minority away from Catholicism. As Cardinal Gibbons of Baltimore observed of the Irish, ‘no other people ever suffered for their Catholic faith as they’.18 This, many commentators felt, put Irish Catholicism on a higher plain. A Donnybrook priest told his

in Population, providence and empire
Marnie Hay

recommended William O’Neill who taught at St Andrew’s National School on Brunswick Street (now Pearse Street). 32 During a visit to IRB leader Tom Clarke’s shop, the countess mentioned her plan to approach O’Neill about recruiting some boys to start a nationalist boy scout troop. Clarke ‘thought it a good idea but pointed out to her that as she was a non-Catholic O’Neill might look upon her with suspicion. In fact … he might suspect proselytism.’ At Clarke’s suggestion, she asked Sean McGarry, a future president of the IRB Supreme Council, to accompany her. Once they had

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
Paul Sargent

denominational lines. A further consideration in relation to the establishment of the schools is the influential role played by voluntary organisations prior to their establishment. These organisations, which were responsible for a range of initiatives aimed at governing destitute, neglected and orphan children were inspired not only by charitable principles but also by a suspicion of proselytism. Two figures in particular, Cardinal Rationalities underpinning the system93 Paul Cullen and Margaret Aylward, were instrumental in the establishment of a number of Catholic

in Wild Arabs and savages
Agricultural science and education
Ian Miller

between imperial rulers and colonised subjects. The religious dimensions of the agricultural schools certainly contributed to public antagonism. In the House of Commons in 1863, Vincent Scully, land reformer and MP for Co. Cork, delivered a diatribe in which he asserted that the mass of the Irish population objected to model farms as they perceived them as ‘nests of proselytism’.80 Scully’s assertions were characteristic, given that he intently focused his political career on promoting reforms that benefited the Catholic community. In this instance, his concerns about

in Reforming food in post-Famine Ireland