Insolvency, pp. 88–93.
4 D.M. Evans, Facts, Failures, and Frauds: Revelations Financial Mercantile
Criminal (Groombridge: London, 1859); T.L. Alborn, ‘The moral of the
failed bank: professional plots in the Victorian money market’, Victorian
Studies 38:2 (1995), pp. 199–226.
5 S. Collini, ‘The idea of “character” in Victorianpolitical thought’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 35 (1985), pp. 29–50, on p. 40.
6 H. Goodman, ‘“Madness and Masculinity”: Male Patients in London
Asylums and Victorian Culture’, in T. Knowles and S
52 S. Collini, ‘The idea of “character” in Victorianpolitical thought’, Transactions of the
Royal Historical Society, 35 (1985), 29–50.
53 T. Ahnert and S. Manning, ‘Introduction’, in T. Ahnert and S. Manning (eds),
Character, Self, and Sociability in the Scottish Enlightenment (Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2009), pp. 1–3.
54 Higgins, A Nation of Politicians, p. 37; R. Munter, The History of the Irish Newspaper
1685–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967); B. Inglis, The Freedom of
the Press in Ireland, 1784–1841 (Westport: Greenwood
Macaulay, Carlyle, and the ‘shoreless chaos’ of history
didactic and attempts to shape the early-Victorianpolitical
inheritance. For Macaulay, the attempt to forget is a conscious one; he
states that an essential part of history-making is forgetting. Moreover,
with the absence of critical attention to the act of forgetting in both the
form and content of the History, Macaulay’s act of forgetting is one that
tries to forget itself, too. Carlyle’s narrator is aware of the literary form;
Macaulay tries to forget it. Carlyle’s narrator sees a canvas; Macaulay’s, a
pane of glass.
The sudden conflation of history and the novel at
The political nationalism of the Irish diaspora since the 1790s
David T. Gleeson
-American Dilemma (London, 1971), pp. 126–28, 192–208; Richard
Parfitt, ‘“Oh, what matter, when for Erin dear we fall?”: music and Irish
nationalism, 1848–1913’, Irish Studies Review, 34 (Autumn 2015), 485–86;
Ian St. John, Gladstone and the Logic of VictorianPolitics (New York, 2010),
48 Patrick Steward and Bryan P. McGovern, The Fenians: Irish Rebellion in the
North Atlantic World, 1858–1876 (Knoxville, TN, 2013), pp. 125–29.
49 Christian Samito, Becoming American Under Fire: Irish Americans, African
Americans and the Politics of Citizenship in the Civil War Era
), p. 372. On the ‘meliorist myth’ see
Robert Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford University Press,
1975), p. 8.
4 One of the best descriptions of the Victorian Briton’s self-image can be found in
George Watson’s The English Ideology: Studies in the Language of VictorianPolitics (London, Allen Lane, 1973). He sums it up as ‘Liberty is the English
ideology’ (p. 10).
5 E.H. Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis: 1919–1939 (London, Macmillan, 1939),
pp. 13–16; Arnold Wolfers, Britain and France Between the Two Wars (Hamden,
Connecticut, Archon Books, 1963
Laron, Origins of the Suez Crisis , p. 146; Kyle, Suez , p. 130.
Anthony S. Wohl, ‘“Ben JuJu”: Representations of Disraeli's Jewishness in the VictorianPolitical Cartoon’, Jewish History , 10 (2), Fall 1996, pp. 89–114 and Anthony S. Wohl, ‘“Dizi-Ben-Dizzi”: Disraeli as Alien’, Journal of British Studies , 34 (3), July 1995, pp. 375
Richard Shannon, Gladstone: Heroic
Minister, 1865–1898 , Penguin, London, 1999, p. 89,
and see A. J. P. Taylor, The Trouble Makers , Pimlico,
London, 1993 , chapter 3.
H. S. Jones, VictorianPolitical
Thought , Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2000
’s Jewishness in the VictorianPolitical Cartoon ’, Jewish History , 10 , 2 (Fall, 1996 ), pp. 89 – 134 . www.jstor.org/stable/20101269 . Michael Ragussis , Figures of Conversion: ‘The Jewish Question’ & English National Identity ( London : Duke University Press , 1995 ), especially pp. 174 – 234 .
110 For the suspicions aroused by Disraeli’s novels see Wohl, ‘Dizzi-Ben-Dizzi’, p. 381–2 and Ann Pottinger Saab , ‘ Disraeli, Judaism, and the Eastern Question ’, The International History Review , 10 , 4 (November, 1988 ), pp. 559 – 78 , p. 562 . www
Victorianpolitical spectrum, radicals spent as much time challenging the perceived elitism and moderation of local Liberal organisations as they did in attacking the Conservatives. On attending a public meeting of radical activists, our traveller would likely have found participants in a determined spirit, obstinate and sometimes aggressive in their desire to see liberal politics transformed into an inclusive and democratic movement. If the traveller had stayed in these towns for a little longer, they would also have been able to identify more subtle differences in the
; others remained loyal to Holyoake for historical reasons or
because they resented Bradlaugh’s authoritarian style of leadership. Most
rank and file members engaged with both Holyoake’s vision of positive
Secularism at a local level and Bradlaugh’s struggles on the national. 51
The Secularist movement reached the height of its powers in the
1880s, by which time Charles Bradlaugh had come to figure as one of the
heavyweights of Victorianpolitics. 52