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Refugees at the University of Manchester

necessary to construct procedures which lay within the framework of government’s immigration policies. The committee possessed neither the power, nor perhaps the inclination, to challenge official attitudes towards foreign scholars based typically – and even in the face of an elite whose entry was likely to prove advantageous – on perceptions of Britain’s self-interest. Applicants for permanent posts, seen as a potential source of competition with equally well-qualified British scholars, were generally not welcomed; those most likely to gain entry were applicants for

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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was Jesus’ most faithful disciple, and maintained a close relationship with him into eternity, a relationship that allowed her still to intervene with him. As mother, Mary was useful in articulating gender ideals, but as monarch she was deeply problematic. Hence her centrality not just to theological debate but to the broader cultural context of interconfessional competition and rivalry. To understand another factor that may have informed attitudes to the Marian devotion that was promoted at the Brompton Oratory, one must turn from the Oratory to its near neighbour

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Silent and betrayed

focus on the USA in their 2005 book. They use an economics analogy to make the case that churches which are in a free market economy for religion fare best as they will be in competition with others for souls while they languish when they have a monopoly or when their ‘product’ is insufficiently differentiated from their competitors. That is to say, adapting teachings to suit popular culture will make those denominations less, rather than more, appealing. Moreover, they also argue that even in Roman Catholicism, notwithstanding its international base and hierarchical

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
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The later Stuart church in context

-reformation which left the Church of Ireland far outstripped in the battle for popular affections by the Roman Catholic Church. 63 Even amongst Irish Protestants, the Church of Ireland faced vigorous competition from dissenting groups, especially in Ulster, where Presbyterians were bound by powerful networks to their co-religionists and kin in the west of Scotland. 64 The combination of episcopal establishments in Scotland and Ireland that failed to establish

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714

Church of Ireland’s clergy called for national amendment and renewed pastoral activism, there were few Irish towns outside Dublin and Ulster with sufficient numbers of Protestant parochial administrators to effect real reform. Ironically, therefore, whilst Barnard has shown how Toland’s short-lived Irish residence ‘merely crystallized the anxieties of a church constantly exposed to lay ridicule, Presbyterian competition and Catholic

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
Church and state reimagined

society are predictably bad: ‘What Persecutions, Rebellions, Revolutions, loss of Civil and Religious Liberty, these intestine Struggles between Sectaries have produced, in every Age, is well known to those acquainted with the History of Mankind’.93 So great a threat was sectarian competition to civil peace that Warburton forthrightly justified ‘Restraint’ and ‘Punishment’. The two most dangerous groups were atheists and papists. ‘The Atheist’ threatens the civil order because he is ‘incapable of giving Security for his Behaviour in Community’ and holds principles which

in Reformation without end

channelling represents a manifestation of complex traditional codes of behaviour concerning witchcraft. Further evidence of the reticulation between (1) beliefs about appropriate responses to witchcraft, (2) witchcraft narratives in general, (3) the specific actions taken in the Izzard case and (4) the stories about this incident, is providentially provided for us through a competition for Huntingdonshire village stories organized by

in Witchcraft Continued
Samuel Willes and the 7th Earl of Huntingdon

’ to ‘instill principles and mould a new generation into what form they please; upon which considerations I easily forsee with what caution your honour will proceed in appointing a master for that famous school.’ In the year he had lived in Derby, Willes had observed that his friend, Edward Litherland, or Letherland, who kept a free school there, was loyal to the King, and his conformity to the Church was ‘exact’. In the atmosphere of the Restoration settlement in which the Church of England and Protestant dissent were in fierce competition and in which the state

in Chaplains in early modern England
William Sancroft and the later Stuart Church

to be written by a chaplain already in 62 residence. Continuing with those he found within Sheldon’s household saved time, though it also indicated respect for one of the key architects of Anglican recovery.63 The competition for place that inevitably resulted was cutthroat. The master of Sancroft’s old college offered the unsolicited advice that a potential chaplain was ‘very haughty, & self willed & passionate’ (as well as rich already), while Mr Layfield was pronounced unfit for the role on unspecified grounds: ‘I will not Bespatter him’.64 Although this

in Chaplains in early modern England
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that was focused on primary production to one that prioritised secondary production, and this change necessitated a larger pool of unskilled, low-wage workers. After 1820 especially, there were significant employment opportunities for unskilled labourers in the industrial west and this attracted a growing number of Irish migrants. This led to a degree of employment competition between the Irish and the native Scots and contributed to a growing tension between the two, but scholars such as Elaine McFarland rightly stress that ‘most of the labour performed by them

in Creating a Scottish Church