Keith Hodgson

to be applied in order to combat the slump and had formulated a set of interventionist proposals that, despite gaining some support, were eventually rejected by the party.52 Increasingly disillusioned with Labour, and with what he saw as the malaise into which parliamentary politics was slipping, Mosley resigned from the cabinet and then broke acrimoniously with the party itself, forming the New Party with a disparate group of MPs and other followers in March 1931.53 Many historians have seen elements of corporatism in Mosley’s programme, with Richard Thurlow

in Fighting fascism
Bryan Fanning

conditions that would nurture and sustain individual adaptability, flexibility and risk-taking; a ‘sustainable balance between dynamism and security’.12 In this context it was unsurprising that the Fanning_01_Text.indd 17 23/11/2010 14:05 18 Immigration and social cohesion major statements since then about immigration and integration policy that are examined here have de-emphasised ethno-cultural rules of belonging. From blocking coalitions to competitive corporatism In answering the title question of his 2004 book Preventing the Future: Why Was Ireland so Poor for so

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland
Open Access (free)
Conceptual links to institutional machineries
Kathleen Staudt

‘policy dialogues’ (Bangura, 1997:8–17). Three are relevant, listed from the most to least hegemonic: • Technocracy, especially the neo-liberal economic model, which vests authority in government technocrats and international finance experts who reduce deficits and inflation, open markets, and promote competition and efficiency. • Corporatism, the ‘historic class compromise’ which manages national conflict through bringing organized interests into policy making. • Global sustainable pluralism, inspired by UNDP HDR thinking about development as equitable, gender balanced

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
The politics of conflict and the producer-oriented policy response
Shizuka Oshitani

, close government–industry relations, the relatively well integrated business sector and the practice of policy concertation enabled the government to shape its policy strategy. This strategy was characterised by a collaborative, technological approach. The apparently pluralistic process of target-setting also exhibited characteristics associated with consensus corporatism. The EA and MITI had different ‘philosophies’ and represented conflicting economic and environmental interests. Still, the norm of consensus policy-making prevailed. Without strong political

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain
From movement to dictatorship, 1919–26
Keith Hodgson

.The co-ordination of state and industry was presented as corporatism by the regime, in line with its claim to have elevated the interests of the nation above those of any social class. In fact, early fascist attempts to bring workers, management and the party together in each industry were quickly abandoned in the face of objections from the employers’ organisations. Confindustria and other business interest groups brushed off fascist suggestions that their members should cede any control in the workplace, and employers retained their independence.80 Instead, parallel

in Fighting fascism
Abstract only
The old left and the ‘new consensus’
Keith Hodgson

proprietors were also challenged with a blaze of figures and examples. Fascism’s assertions that it had substituted the class war for a shared commitment to the national interest were challenged and disproved. The new mechanisms that both regimes had established with the declared intention of replacing industrial conflict with mediation, negotiation and even-handed justice were shown as being hopelessly biased against the individual and collective interests of the worker. The concepts and structures of corporatism were exposed by the left as being hollow and ineffectual

in Fighting fascism
Executive versus legislative power
Cameron Ross

conflicts were complicated and exacerbated by the dominance of independents in the majority of assemblies and an absence in all but a few of strong disciplined parties.27 However, the specific nature of executive–legislative relations in a region depend on a number of other factors other than the powers of the respective elites at the time the charters/constitutions were laid down. Other important factors determining this relationship are the electoral support of the chief executive, the social composition of the assembly (see section on corporatism and clientelism below

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Mark Garnett

approach to industrial relations’. These principles amounted to a voluntarist brand of ‘corporatism’, in which the government, the unions and the employers would engage in ‘a partnership independent of politics’. However, in Macleod’s version of corporatism the government would not seek agreement at the expense of its authority; rather, ‘the final decision of government can only be taken by government itself ’. In true ‘One Nation’ style, he claimed that the Conservatives were not beholden to any sectional interest, and were anxious only to promote ‘the partnership on

in Conservative orators from Baldwin to Cameron
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey Wood

greater than that of entire nations – some form of institutional mediation is necessary to offset the imbalance vis-à-vis the mass of society. To Matzner and Streeck (1991), a partial solution comprises a series of social accords (a situation sometimes referred to as ‘neo-corporatism’) entailing centralized bargaining between governments, unions and firms on matters relating to macro-economic policy, successful examples being in countries like Denmark and the Netherlands. Regulation theory A leading paradigm in the revival of institutional approaches has been regulation

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Martin Upchurch and Darko Marinković

the fate of many other union movements in transformation states, whereby state and employer utilisation of neo-liberal reform programmes and the fragmentation and unwillingness of these actors to engage seriously with the unions has led to what Ost (2000) describes as ‘illusory corporatism’ and Pollert (2001) depicts as a ‘fragile shell of tripartism’. To restore the spirit of October 2000, the workers’ movement needs to develop a strategy that directly challenges the ideological frame of the Serbian state and its associated capital bloc. The workers’ movement would

in Workers and revolution in Serbia