Abstract only
Carmen M. Mangion

effective evangelisers. They were critical to their working identities, as evangelisers and professional women, as will be examined in Part II.

in Contested identities
Carmen M. Mangion

elevate public morality.8 These women, while supporting nineteenth-century notions of femininity, became archetypes of women’s agency, authority and power.9 Female voices such as theirs were not the norm, yet they successfully challenged other Christian men and women to join in their efforts. Women religious supported similar notions of femininity but their religious activism and evangelisation, as has already been discussed in previous chapters, was more subtle.10 They were exemplars of women’s authority despite the restrictions of a communitarian lifestyle lived under

in Contested identities
Andrew J. May

by John Jones, who conducted religious meetings as well as a Sunday school there, and was treasurer of the Home Mission for the Montgomeryshire border area. The Home Missionary Societies had been formed as a means of evangelising in the non-Welshspeaking areas closer to the English border. The Calvinistic Methodist cause in the Berriew district was assisted in 1830 by the

in Welsh missionaries and British imperialism
Abstract only
David Hardiman

much appreciated by them. As they lived in scattered huts, it was hard to gain an audience when the missionaries went to evangelise, but when news came that medical services were available, they flocked there in large numbers. If they had a full-time medical missionary, he himself would have much more time for his purely evangelistic work. The thakors would, furthermore, welcome such a doctor, and would want to be treated

in Missionaries and their medicine
Abstract only
A new professional learning space, 1865–90
Tim Allender

conversion bridging work that combined evangelising with medical treatments for poor Indians were ‘Bible women’, who were also operative in Britain at this time. They were usually the daughters or wives of Eurasian or Indian converts, and their joint Christian medical vocation softened the internal racial barrier sensitivities, that were otherwise still typically strong between Indians and Eurasians. In the

in Learning femininity in colonial India, 1820–1932
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

lantern services, handed out Bible-portions and went on jungle tours. 18 Despite such efforts, they had little to show for their labours and suspected that only Burmans could evangelise other Burmans. They insisted that ‘every convert from Buddhism must be a missionary’. The problem was that there were so few converts. 19 Indeed, the Wesleyan Mission stagnated in the face of persistent Burmese indifference. The missionaries complained of ‘working hard for little reward’. They showed little sympathy for beleaguered

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
John MacKenzie

the Roman Catholic orders founded the manifold numbers of missionary societies which emerged in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. These societies intriguingly brought together the need to re-evangelise populations at home as well as the imperative, as Christians interpreted it, to spread the word of a Christian God abroad. Sometimes this was done on a cooperative basis, with Protestant societies penetrating the

in European empires and the people
Constructing imperial identity through Liverpool petition struggles
Joshua Civin

not only had to adjust to massive volumes of mass petitions; they also had to respond to entirely new categories of petitioners and qualitatively different subject matter. These developments have usually been explained by well-worn narratives of transition: from mercantilism to laissez-faire; from competition among vested interests to popular agitation for social reform; from empire as a commercial and strategic endeavour to empire as a civilising and evangelising mission. Industrialists, radicals, and London cosmopolitans are typically depicted as the inventors of

in Parliaments, nations and identities in Britain and Ireland, 1660–1850
Dimitrios Theodossopoulos

that were similarly close to non-indigenous populations. For example, Guzman (1966) reports that the Emberá in Bayano who lived close to the town of Chepo10 had already completely abandoned the old Emberá style of dress by the 1960s (encouraged by rigorous evangelisation), yet those who lived upstream and closer to what is now the Bayano water reserve negotiated mixed Emberá and Western dress combinations as they moved into or out of the gaze of Others. Even their Guna neighbours were unhappy to see them with their bodies uncovered (Guzman 1966: 225–6). If local

in Exoticisation undressed
Biblical literacy and Khoesan national renewal in the Cape Colony
Jared McDonald

Biblical literacy had the potential to be even more subversive, as it threatened to upend the social hierarchy of the Cape Colony, which during the early nineteenth century was based on an assumed correlation between religious and racial identity. The dominant Calvinist doctrines of the VOC era meant that little effort had been made to evangelise and convert the Khoesan. White settlers referred to themselves as Christians and claimed a ‘permanent monopoly’ on Christianity. 24 In the eighteenth century, white superiority

in Chosen peoples