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Queering the queer Gothic in Will Self ’s Dorian
Andrew Smith

argument, he claims that Self’s ‘identification as straight’ colours how gay culture is represented in the novel. 3 For Alderson, Self perceives the attempt to establish a gay identity politics as ‘delusional’ (327) because it is imbricated by a consumerist ideology which renders it complicit with Thatcherite economics. This means that seemingly anti-establishment figures, such as

in Queering the Gothic
Renegotiating Chilean identity in Alicia Scherson’s Play (2005)
Sarah Wright

Baeza), recent years have witnessed a ‘new generation’ of cinéastes who, while not speaking directly of memory – arguably they wish to move on from the past – nevertheless engages with identity politics in post-dictatorship Chile. An edition of the journal Cinémas d’Amérique Latine delineates two generations of filmmakers, those who trained in the 1960s, reaching their peak in the

in Hispanic and Lusophone women filmmakers
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British anti- racist non- fiction after empire
Dominic Davies

Collective, writing in their 1970s ‘Statement’, called ‘identity politics’: ‘We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics comes directly out of our own identity’, they wrote. ‘We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognised as human, levelly human, is enough.’ 3 For the Collective, identity

in British culture after empire
Sagarika Dutt

, Calcutta. Naipaul,V. S., 1997, ‘A million mutinies’, India Today, 18 August. Naliwal, R. P., 1998, ‘Government calls meeting to discuss Uttarakhand’, The Times of India, 8 April. Narayan, H., 1996, ‘Caste factor gives Laloo a clear edge’, Elections ‘96, The Sunday Statesman, 7 April. Ninan, S., 1992, Media pulse, The Hindu, 20 September. Palkhivala, N., 1996, ‘A state without a nation?’, The Statesman, 30 May. B. Parekh, B., 1994, ‘Discourses on national identity’, Political Studies, 43:2. Phadke,Y. D., 1974, Politics and Language, Himalaya Publishing House, Bombay. Roy

in India in a globalized world
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Guillaume Dustan and Erik Rémès
Victoria Best
and
Martin Crowley

here to be vital in more ways than one. This chapter will look at the work of Guillaume Dustan and Erik Rémès in the context of the increased cultural presence of sexually explicit writing, and will explore in particular the existential stakes and writing strategies involved in their respective approaches to the identity politics of being a seropositive gay man in Paris at the turn of the twenty-first century. The work of both

in The new pornographies
Katherine Fierlbeck

become known as ‘identity politics’: that what is most important to each individual is not simply their autonomy or freedom (qualities that are valued universally throughout the society), but also their membership in a vital and respected group with its own norms, values, and traditions. A sterile freedom is not valuable unless we have the strength of character to take advantage of it; and we cannot

in Globalizing democracy
Annedith Schneider

religious communities. Brouard and Tiberj (2011) suggest ‘identity politics’ as the proper translation, which does get at the heart of the matter for the French: a concern with political organisation along ethnic or religious lines. The term does not translate easily because it concerns a particularly French idea of the nation, which holds that emphasising one’s sub-national identity (especially based on race, ethnicity or religion) weakens one’s national identity and inevitably leads to division and sectarianism within the nation, the unity of which is based on a unity

in Turkish immigration, art and narratives of home in France
Laura Suski

and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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Sarah Glynn

in areas of existing Bengali settlement, also left a legacy of physical segregation. Black radicalism and the identity politics of the New Social Movements morphed into theories of multiculturalism that were taken up by the liberal-left – especially by the GLC and other Labour councils – and were then institutionalised by the liberal establishment. And once Bengalis had breached the resistance of the remains of the local Labour right wing, their community-based politics thrived in this new environment. In Tower Hamlets Council Bengalis continued to make use of

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Sarah Glynn

emergence of New Social Movements by embracing many of the concepts of identity politics as a fundamental plank of their progressive politics. Even more money for voluntary groups was given out by the GLC under Ken Livingston, both directly and through support for ‘stressed’ local boroughs such as Tower Hamlets.120 By the time the GLC was abolished in 1986 and funding for community groups was cut back, the once-radical leaders had lost their independence and many had their feet under the council table. Support for cultural pluralism had existed since well before the

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End