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The ethics and politics of memory in an age of mass culture

century when two developments radically changed the conditions and contours of memory in American culture. Modernisation and industrialisation sparked an unprecedented movement of peoples across the globe, while the birth of the cinema and other technological innovations led to the emergence of a truly mass culture. In the context of mass migrations, memory would be required to play a crucial new role

in Memory and popular film
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and in its mission statements that the work of ‘designing the future’ goes well beyond conserving cultural memory for consumption by future audiences. The project’s multidisciplinary goals are expressed in activist terms; memory is given explicit agency in a future imagined as potentially dystopian. Current global crises and transformations (from climate change to mass migration) highlight the need to develop more sustainable and resilient future making practices, and encourage different areas of interest to pursue common goals and learn from one another.4 ‘The

in Curatopia
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which for many months annually handles far more passengers than all the seaports of the country put together.’28 Air travel, for all the fears associated with it, has been far safer than other means of mass migration. This is especially true of the ship which has remained a dangerous form of transport – perilous journeys by sea remain a feature of many migrant journeys in the twenty-first century, especially for those escaping persecution. In March 2011, for example, a small boat carrying seventy-two passengers from North Africa, including refugees from the ‘Arab

in The battle of Britishness
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adopted by anti-alien agitators was not medical but economic, concerned with sweated labour, housing and the undercutting of wages and prices. Unlike other countries which received immigrants during this period of mass migration, Britain did not respond to the arrival of thousands of aliens in the unsanitary steerage holds of merchant steamships with the same medical rhetoric of exclusion adopted with particular force in countries such as the United States. The health condition of immigrants at the moment of arrival, a powerful image in American anti

in The English System
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movements and then hardened into diametrically opposed nationalist and unionist camps, consular involvement depended on the individual official’s level of engagement and the extent of the American dimension. Thus, when the latter was minimal for example during the 1845–51 famine, the consuls accepted the status quo while the absence of a consul general and a minister in Ireland during the Fenian-inspired upheavals revealed the variety of their human and political responses. Similarly, during the era of mass migration although many identified a link between British

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913
A Qualitative Panel Study and workplace studies

’. As we intended to study both sides of the employment relationship, we further carried out interviews with employers and managers in those sectors in which our migrant respondents were employed. We thus adopted an actor-centred research strategy that examined the choices of both sides at the micro-level. These choices, however, can only be properly understood if the broader socio-economic context is taken into account. Hence, we outline in the next chapter the particular conjuncture that provided the context for Polish mass migration to Ireland: an unprecedented

in New mobilities in Europe
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Long before the mass migration of Jews to Leeds in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the city had already become a major commercial and industrial metropolis during what Victorians called ‘the age of great cities’. Benefiting from its location at the boundary of a manufacturing region to the west and south, and an agricultural region to the north and east, by the early eighteenth century Leeds had become a thriving mercantile town as a place of exchange and commerce. The Industrial Revolution transformed Leeds, which became by the

in Leeds and its Jewish Community
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Public ownership in urgent political perspective

in the United States and much of Europe is once again shifting importantly, throwing up new challenges to which public ownership may in part be a solution. In a turbulent new era marked by wars, mass migrations, fiscal retrenchment, decaying social protection, terrorism, financial instability, rampant inequality, and looming ecological calamity, once again understanding the possibilities, pitfalls, and potential applications of public ownership will be critical to making sense of – and coming to grips with – a world in kaleidoscopic motion. Written off for so long

in Our common wealth
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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

formation, forced migration and genocide that invite seeing its past and present through the lens of ethnopolitical and religious conflict. Moreover, as part of ‘eastern’ rather than ‘western’ Europe, and without its own history as an imperial power, it did not experience the mass migration from outside ‘Europe’ of millions of people whose identities would be racialised as non-white. Studies of how ideas of ‘race’ have circulated and been adapted across the globe, for their part, themselves still almost always pass over the east of Europe and its state socialist past. The

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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primary international port – the socalled ‘emporium of the world’ – is central to the analysis. In addition, but perhaps more critical to understanding the book’s general focus on London, are the particular patterns of migration to and through Britain in the so-called ‘period of mass migration’ from 1880 to 1914. Unlike important Northern ports such as Hull, Newcastle and Liverpool, London was a ‘true’ immigrant port, in that the majority of migrants who arrived into the metropolis remained in the city. While immigrant communities did settle in the North and become

in The English System