Open Access (free)
The ‘outside’ in poetry in the 1980s and 1990s

of resisting received notions of nationality, as well as unified concepts of gender, have become increasingly recognised in poetry criticism. But one of the problems is that the geographical groupings that have been used to indicate the heterogeneity of race and region in women’s writing have tended to enforce a homogeneity of particular races and regions. In the recent study of poetry in the Atlantic archipelago from non-metropolitan perspectives which I cited at the beginning of this essay, Christopher Harvie warns that ‘one cannot see the periphery whole, or

in Across the margins
Open Access (free)
Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic

of these at once; a black Atlantic culture whose themes and techniques transcend ethnicity and nationality to produce something new and, until now, unremarked. Political energy animates Gilroy’s academic challenge. He sets out to expose the dangers as he sees it of contemporary nationalism: whether academic or popular, implicit or explicit, black or white in focus, Gilroy sees it as socially and politically undesirable. Gilroy’s concept of a black Atlantic is then offered as a political and cultural corrective, which argues the cross-national, cross-ethnic basis

in Postcolonial contraventions
Nationalism, universalism and Europe

The last chapter showed how ‘planning for freedom’ helped the Oldham group map a middle way between laissez-faire capitalism and totalitarian collectivism and offer what most members saw as an alternative to Marxism. But confronting totalitarianism, particularly in its right-wing form, also required engaging with nationalism. The group had mixed feelings about national identity: it saw ‘nationality’ as a legitimate aspect of human community but rejected what it distinguished as ‘national ism ’. This led to an ambivalent patriotism and an interest in

in This is your hour
Abstract only
Queer zen

as invoke a body that is not culturally marked. Abstraction, as Getsy writes, can ‘resist bodies’ readability and the assumptions made about gender from visual clues’.18 I would expand the latter to refer to other kinds of clues, or identifications, such as race, ethnicity and nationality. In addition to queer form, Asian American studies and literature scholar Kandice Chuh’s suggestion that we approach ‘Asian American’ in Asian American studies as a category of discursive knowledge that may or may not necessarily involve artists of Asian descent is particularly

in Productive failure
Open Access (free)

the national family drama and establish alternative patterns of political affiliation. The final five chapters connect through the medium of their concern with the re-imagining of community, nationality, subjectivity, sexuality or the native body, especially as a response to the agon of disillusionment of the neocolonised nation – or the postcolony in Achille Mbembe’s now widely accepted phrase, discussed in chapter 7. Whereas the focus at the centre-point of the book was on postcolonial women as the ‘spoken-for’ of national traditions, chapters 7 and 8 act on the idea

in Stories of women
Theorising the en-gendered nation

paradigms of new nationality and the postcolonial nation founded on the imagery of national sons. To open the discussion with these two novels is in itself an anticipatory and symbolic gesture, in that Africa and India will comprise the two postcolonial ‘constituencies’ predominantly represented by this book. Ranging across the wide terrain of African literature of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the nationalist hero, often exiled or alienated from home (mother and heart(h)land), is cast as resilient and courageous (the soldier, the leader); idealistic or visionary (the poet

in Stories of women

sense of nationality or even a certain idea of England. The truth has been quite the opposite. It is the ‘self-conceptualisation’ of England, Julia Stapleton believed, ‘that constitutes the most striking general feature of political thought from the British perspective between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth century’ (1998: 860). This self-conceptualisation has certainly undergone changes but it remains a conversational part of public life. Here is a long and diverse tradition of reflection on matters of national identity and, in a convincing re

in The politics of Englishness
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potential recognition as are the regular forces. Mercenaries Until the adoption of Protocol I no attempt was made to discriminate among the members of an armed force on the basis of their nationality or the motives which lead them to join that force, whether those motives are ideological or mercenary. 70 In view, however, of the number of mercenaries who enrolled in colonial armies

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
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there was a tangible sense of Englishness by which they could navigate such a tricky path. Nationality had different connotations in the Middle Ages from today, and was not by any means always the primary marker of social identity. Nevertheless, national attributes were clearly understood as a very important element of a shared culture. In recent generations, medieval historians have been increasingly preoccupied with the ‘idea of England’: that is, with the political-cultural concept that framed both the development of the English state and

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550

was consistent in his anti-interventionism cum anti-imperialism, contrary to other British liberals who were ‘more selective’, 82 as in the case of James Mill and John Stuart Mill. 83 Mazzini, nationality and non-intervention/intervention Mazzini, like Cobden, was not a political philosopher, but a politician and activist. He is known today as the ‘Beating Heart of Italy’, the foremost inspirer of Italian unification. But in his

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century