captive as their
overwhelming male patrons to sexist attitudes.
1 David Kynaston, Family Britain, 1951–57: Tales of a New Jerusalem (London:
Bloomsbury, 2009); Judith Harwin and Shirley Otto, ‘Women, Alcohol and the
Screen’, in Jim Cook and Mike Lewington (eds), Images of Alcoholism (London:
British Film Institute, 1979), pp. 46–7.
2 University of Sussex, FR 3029, Mass-Observation Archives, A Report on Drinking
Habits, Aug. 1948, p. 164; David Nash and David Reeder, with Peter Jones and
Richard Rodger, Leicester in the TwentiethCentury (Stroud: Alan Sutton
remarked Tony Avis (Author’s interview with Tony Avis, 26 July 1997).
34 Of the 159 publicans in York in 1929, for example, just 27 were women (Mike
Race, Public Houses, Private Lives: An Oral History of Life in York Pubs in the
Mid-twentiethCentury (York: Voyager Publications, 1999), p. 64).
35 Michele Cheaney, ‘Jobs for the Girls’, Publican Newspaper, 28 April 1997; Robert
Metcalfe, ‘Wanted: Women Who Can Run Pubs’, Publican, 11 Nov. 1989; Stanley
Wright, Running Your Own Pub (London: Hutchinson, 1984), p. 8; Lorna Harrison, ‘Those Were the Days
even deeper roots that were entirely
distinct from and unrelated to colonial national movements
elsewhere. But on closer examination, Devine’s core claims
fail to convince. The suggestion that Scottish emotional attachment
to empire had largely faded by the mid-twentiethcentury is
particularly contentious, and has recently been challenged by Bryan
Glass in his path
and so dominant players in the market, vanished, save
as manufacturers of beer itself. Most large breweries, except for Greene King
and Fullers, had in turn been taken over by multinational concerns. Recent
creations of the late twentiethcentury, pubcos lacked the long tradition of
upholding the old masculine order, though enough sexism persisted to retard
radical changes. The pub itself, however, had lost its centrality as a leisure
venue. According to Peach Factory’s Eating Out and the Consumer Report,
2008, twice as many people watched television (89 per cent
the ‘decade of dance’ (1988–98), establishing
this generation as the most prevalent drug users in the twentiethcentury. Illicit
drug consumption among young adults (sixteen to twenty-four years) grew
slowly but steadily from the 1960s, doubling every decade, until, in the early
1990s, the numbers doubled, reaching one-half of the entire group. The consequences of the dancing decade were horrific: heroin addicts had grown from
5000 (1975) to 280,000 (mid-2000s). Overall numbers proved as disturbing
to critics as the inclusion in this new dance subculture of girls
5 Vaccine production, national security anxieties and the
unstable state in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico
Since pre-Columbian times, Mexico has
experienced notable periods of progress in science and technology. Political,
economic and social problems have, however, often interrupted these
developments, thus the country has been forced to rebuild
Male subcultures of drinking began slowing changing in the 1980s, with women increasingly not only patronizing pubs and clubs but doing so without male escorts. Geographic differences persisted. Northern working-class clubs remained bastions of male sexism and racism notwithstanding government attacks on sexual and racial discrimination. For brewers, working-class drinkers remained the mainstay of customers. Advertising became even raunchier, reflecting society’s more accommodating attitudes. With this advertising culture, beer marketers continued to insinuate into the female mind an unmistakably negative view of beer drinking. Six distinct drink venues existed, dependent more on function than class: youth bars, fun pubs, lounge bars, family pubs, repositioned traditional ale bars, and gentlemen’s (sex) clubs. Both sexes began ranking toilet cleanliness as a priority in market surveys.
Radically different responses to the drink problem among one key group, the drink sellers, most distinguishes the interwar years from the present. Interwar Progressive brewers accepted responsibility for serious drink problems, whereas most present-day drink sellers blame other factors. Modifying the drinking environment became critical to inculcating new drinking norms antithetical to drunkenness after World War I. Victorian assumptions that deficient characters fostered insobriety, rejected later by Progressive brewers, have been revived in the present debate on binge drinking. Modern-day politicians see excess drinking and drunkenness as the result of individual choice. From this perspective, drink sellers and the government are absolved of responsibility for any role in discouraging excessive drinking and insobriety. Thus, today as in the pre-1914 era, insobriety stemmed from character flaws for which the individual was solely responsible.
As in World War I, the second World War resulted in the disappearance of pre-war spatial boundaries governing drinking. Young women began visiting pubs in growing numbers first in early 1941 and with increasing frequency in the following years. Improved interwar premises facilitated the entry to licensed premises of adolescents and less affluent young women from unskilled working-class families. Women’s public drinking, reaching about 40% of all women on the eve of the war, rose perhaps by one-fifth, so that well over half and perhaps as many as three-fifths of all females were using pubs during the war. From the late 1940s, however, women shunned pubs in striking numbers. Public opinion polls suggest that the war ingrained deep hostility in many juvenile and young women to every frequenting drink premises thereafter. One enduring change was the widespread acceptance of the pub’s new name, the “local.”
Collectively, the Civil Service and the London County Council (LCC) employed tens of thousands of women in Britain in the early twentieth century. As public employers, these institutions remained influential for each other and for private employers more widely as a benchmark for the conditions of women’s white-collar work. This book examines three key aspects of women’s public service employment: inequality of pay, the marriage bar and inequality of opportunity. In so doing, it delineates the levels of regulation and rhetoric surrounding women’s employment and the extent to which notions about femininity and womanhood shaped employment policies and, ultimately, women’s experiences in the workplace. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources, including policy documents, trade union records, women’s movement campaign literature and employees’ personal testimony, this is the first book-length study of women’s public service employment in the first half of the twentieth century. It is also a new lens through which to examine the women’s movement in this period and a contribution to the debate about the effect of the First World War on women’s employment. Scholars and students with interests in gender, British social and cultural history and labour history will find this an invaluable text.