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The Jeunes de l’UF and the Jeunes de l’UNC
Chris Millington

de la Fédération Républicaine, suffered from the presence of party personalities in its executive. The FR did not intend the group to attract mass support but to regenerate the cadres of the party. As a result, it became an imitation of the FR.16 Despite this loss of faith in the youthful force of ex-servicemen, the language of youth and generational conflict remained intrinsic to the veterans’ political discourse. A desire to break with pre-war ways saw veterans’ associations pit the dynamism and action associated with ‘youth’ against the allegedly ineffective

in From victory to Vichy
Matt Perry

-sponsored MP, she was fortunate that the Political General Secretary gave permission for her travels.215 On occasion, Wright Robinson reminded Wilkinson of her obligations to the union but generally understood the heavy schedule that Wilkinson maintained. After Wilkinson had cancelled a speaking commitment in Bingley in order to attend a reconvened meeting of the LAI executive in Brussels, she faced serious complaints that resulted in an investigation on the part of NUDAW’s Political General Secretary.216 Wilkinson had to account for her time to the union, provide lists of

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
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Doldrums years
Malcolm Chase

highest level within the NCA. These concerned not political principle but administrative acumen and personal probity. Impressive though it was, the NCA never matched the aspirations its keenest supporters held for it. It never succeeded formally (or financially) in uniting under its aegis all who called themselves Chartists. Subscriptions, even for the 50,000 members it mustered in 1842, were only ever haphazardly remitted to the executive. Northern Star editor William Hill was regularly critical of the way in which it conducted its business. The secretary John Campbell

in Chartism
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‘Decent revolutionaries’?
Malcolm Chase

expounding that even the Commons’ revised figure was double the size of the British electorate and quadruple the total votes cast in the 1847 general election.2 Henceforward the integrity of the 1848 Petition hung round the neck of Chartism like the proverbial albatross, never to be cast off. This mattered intensely because the credibility of the movement was on trial. So too was the Government’s capacity to handle political dissent. That it was Russell himself who moved that O’Connor be detained was replete with symbolism. His Government had directly co-ordinated the

in Chartism
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Coleman A. Dennehy

parliament in Ireland, it was still an organic body that developed over time. This can be seen in all aspects of its procedures and processes. Sometimes the catalyst for change came from politics, but more often it came from the contact between parliament and the executive or the judiciary. Most of the time, members of both houses were aware of the institution and how it worked, and they continually used and looked for precedent as a guide to how to organise themselves; both to the English Parliament but also to the Irish assembly as it sat in the centuries before 1613

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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The civil service, the State and the Irish revolution
Martin Maguire

civil service and the State in Ireland. The established British tradition by which a non-political civil service gave an undivided loyalty to the State in return for permanence was broken. In response to what the civil service saw as a breach of good faith it began to fight to establish a contractual basis for its relation to the State. This sustained political campaign by a united civil service organisation succeeded in transforming their sectional interests into constitutional rights. The Irish civil service displayed a precocious ability to organise. The Home Rule

in The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38
The Peace Society and women
Heloise Brown

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 4 ‘The antagonism of sex’: the Peace Society and women1 D uring the second half of the century there was a declining emphasis upon the importance of Christianity within the peace movement. The Peace Society had developed by the 1870s into a political and pragmatic movement that employed, albeit on a limited basis, liberal and non-absolutist arguments against war. However, it simultaneously sought to control the contributions of women, and to restrict the role of feminism within the movement. This is particularly noteworthy

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Eugenics and birth control in Johannesburg, 1930-40
Susanne Klausen

historiographical traditions, very little concerning the politics of reproduction more generally. 10 The RWS’s first public meeting held six weeks after it was formed was a considerable success: seventy people attended, a constitution was adopted and an executive committee selected, consisting mostly of highly educated male professionals. 11 Anxious to intervene in a practical way in social problems exacerbated by

in Science and society in southern Africa
Ian Connor

-Holstein’s 478 refugee camps.15 Despite public expressions of support for the refugees, the SPD leadership in private adopted a more ambivalent attitude to the newcomers. They voiced particular concern about the presence of former Nazis among the refugees and expellees; the provisional executive of the SPD in Kiel responded to the first applications for party membership by urging local party officials in August 1945 to scrutinise carefully the applicants’ political record during the Third Reich, adding that ‘this applied particularly to the refugees whose past is in most cases

in Refugees and expellees in post-war Germany
Voluntary women’s organisations and the representation of housewives, mothers and citizens
Caitríona Beaumont

leadership of the Council during this period included a large number of distinguished women who were well known in political and social circles. The Hon. Mrs Henrietta Franklin, President of the Council during the years 1925–27, was a former suffragist who in the 1930s served on the Executive of the National Council for Equal Citizenship (NCEC). A member of the Board of Management of the Liberal Jewish Synagogue, Mrs Franklin was also active in the League of Nations Union. In 1929, Florence Keynes, former chairman of the Cambridge Board of Guardians, was elected President

in Housewives and citizens