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Anne McClintock and H. Rider Haggard

themes. Likewise, discussion of reproduction can usefully be extended from Spivak’s formulations to include imperial masculinity and its mediation through reproductive ideology. This is precisely what Anne McClintock’s work promises to do. I want to focus here on her celebrated Imperial Leather discussion of H. Rider Haggard’s popular and influential imperialist Victorian romance King Solomon’s Mines.2 This depicts the quest for treasure in southern Africa by three British adventurers, who also restore the ‘rightful’ heir to the throne of an African kingdom. Several

in Postcolonial contraventions
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Full-time breadwinners and part-time fathers

. Interestingly, Williams’ findings supported Dermott’s earlier conclusion that ‘fathers are not especially clear about what it means to be “involved” ’ (2008:500). Ironically, their memories of their own fathers and their own reflexivity on the matter of ‘father involvement’ only gave them ‘a sharper sense of what it means to be relatively uninvolved’ (2008:500). Not surprisingly, these reflexive British fathers retained varying degrees of ‘attachment to the breadwinner role’, which remained central to their sense of masculinity or sense of themselves as fathers (2008

in Between two worlds of father politics
Aspiration, loss, endurance and fantasy

is no worse dispossession, no worse privation, perhaps, than that of the losers in the symbolic struggle for recognition, for access to a socially recognised social being, in a word, to humanity’ (2000: 241). Despite the real dangers, his ‘family’ offers him recognition, while his assertion of ‘macho’ masculinity is not an alternative system of value, but an extension of already present structures (Alexander, 1996). Osman’s masculine bravado does not operate outside Dreamfields’ value system, but operates within the same parameters as Culford’s lawless urban hero

in Factories for learning
Sexual violence and trauma in the ‘war on terror’

cruel triumph of the female perpetrators resides in the fact that they tortured without consciousness of that form of self-vulnerability. Finally, some attempts to understand female perpetrators at Abu Ghraib ask: might sexual violence ‘masculinize’ torturers who happen to be biological female, while ‘feminizing’ victims who happen to be biologically male? In studies focusing on sexual violence in war and in prison contexts, this is a popular argument. Male victims are said to become ‘social women’; male perpetrators have their masculinity enhanced; female

in ‘War on terror’

increasing emphasis on masculinity and financial support for the family, as this chapter will address. In the courts there was another interesting situation in terms of which parent was deemed culpable for child neglect and cruelty. While prior to 1922, mothers represented the primary parent prosecuted, constituting 70 per cent of convictions in one sample, from 1924 to 1950 this situation appears to have been reversed, with fathers constituting the largest category of offender. Attitudes to fatherhood are central to this shift. Although they had always been criticised by

in The cruelty man
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The autonomous life?

traditionally class-based affinities leads to the emergence of disturbing fascist identities founded on the construction of previously non-existent language-based ethnicities, wreaking havoc on a multi-lingual and multicultural urban landscape. A discourse interpolating fragile Hindu masculinities and a vilified Muslim “Other” bolsters the group’s membership and discursive authority in Bombay. The room and legitimacy for the articulation of popular resentment and discontent in all its facets, Hansen contextualizes, is

in The autonomous life?
Women as citizens

Hubertine Auclert attacked both colonialism and Islam for rendering Algerian girls ‘little victims of Muslim debauchery’ (Clancy-Smith, 1998, p. 170). The slippage from Algerian to Muslim to women as victims is seamless and builds upon common-sense assumptions about Algeria, drawing correlations between women’s status, morality and civilizational generalities. It should be clear from the above that in judging the nature and place of women, the French also defined Algerian masculinity. The discourse on gender in Algeria implicated Algerian men as both licentious and

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
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breadwinning, e.g. that it predicates gender equality upon the repertoires of masculinity; many Greens argue that ecological modernisation is a short-term solution at best; the postindustrial Left calls for approaches that do not try to beat capitalism at its own game. So should we base our radical politics upon productivism or postproductivism? The strongest support for productivist radicalism can be found in social democracies, for here we witness not only distributive justice, but also a large degree of gender equality and the gradual emergence of sustainable economics

in After the new social democracy

monstering of serial killers, and a systematic silence on corporate crime, state crime, the violence of hegemonic masculinity, and on explanatory theory, philosophy and politics in general. This structured symbolic distortion produces the mentality in criminology that shapes and colours the findings that are behind the television programmes and the criminal law. Such a circle of virtue! Or is it the circling of disaster vultures? 16 16 Perception shaped by traditional media This circle breeds followers, and all the positions in the inner circle of the criminological

in Law in popular belief
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Racist State: British Imperialism and the Union of South Africa, 1875–1910 (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1996) and Timothy Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London: Leicester University Press, 1996). 36 For discussions of the commodification of black diasporic popular cultures see, for example, Ben Carrington, ‘Fear of a Black Athlete: Masculinity, Politics and the Body’, New Formations: A Journal of Culture/Theory/Politics, 45 (2001), pp. 91–110, and Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture Beyond the Color Line

in Postcolonial contraventions