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David Doyle

Visitor, annual), summarised in ‘Women, religious orders and congregations of’, in Glazier and Shelley (eds), Encyclopedia of American Catholic History, pp. 1498–1517, as supplemented from the websites of the bodies listing incomplete foundation data. 23 This was not always reciprocal. French-speaking Acadian sisters left the New Brunswick Sisters of Charity in 1924, as that dominantly Irish Canadian order spread through Canada under new pontifical status (T. J.  Fay, A History of Canadian Catholics (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), p. 106). 24 M. C

in Irish Catholic identities
Emigration and sectarian rivalry
Sarah Roddy

be impacted by the substantial loss of population which emigration represented. Between 1849 and 1852, as the immediacy of the Famine crisis dissipated and priests returned to being primarily religious pastors 149 Roddy_Population_Printer.indd 149 15/09/2014 11:47 Population, providence and empire rather than relief organisers, many of them began evaluating how the dust of five years of death and emigration had settled on their parishes. Even before the official census revealed a deficit of two million people – some 20% of the total pre-Famine population

in Population, providence and empire
To what extent was Richard Baxter a congregationalist?
Tim Cooper

helpful illumination on the unstable formation of religious group identity in mid-seventeenth-century England and show just how fluid, precarious and contingent those groups, parties and polities could be. They were not the static, discrete, self-evident entities they are often made out to be. BAXTER’S PASTORAL PRACTICE For Richard Baxter, peacemaking – even on a national scale – began in the parish; it was rooted and grounded in practice.10 For that reason, a brief description of his pastoral success at Kidderminster is in order. Looking back from the mid-1660s he

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Reorganizing leprosy care, 1890– 1900
Stephen Snelders

Surinamese confinement policies and the necessity for an accommodation between the dominant Christian religious groups in the colony (Protestants and Catholics) and with the colonial state. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century. However, at the end of the nineteenth century, this alliance was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. The reorganization of leprosy care in the colony was intended to establish a better

in Leprosy and colonialism
Open Access (free)
French clerical reformers and episcopal status
Alison Forrestal

seventeenthcentury figure may be termed the founder of the theology of priesthood, it is Cardinal Pierre de Bérulle (1575–1629), on whom all later writers on priesthood and reforming activists drew heavily. His reflections culminated in the formation in 1611, of the Congregation of the Oratory, a company of dedicated secular priests who would correspond to their founder’s notion of the clerical vocation. When Bérulle died in 1629, the Oratory numbered approximately four hundred members, housed in over sixty locations and overseeing many students training for the priesthood in

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Ivan Evans

associations, “multiplied local congregations and overflowed into a veritable phalanx of evangelical organizations” that helped 126 Cultures of violence to stabilize a dynamic post-revolutionary society.7 Methodists and Baptists, followed closely by Presbyterians, rapidly outgrew their fringe status within American Christianity, eclipsing the established Anglican Church to become the largest denominations by 1820. The swiftness of this change was most striking in the Southern states. Here, so entrenched did this “radical experiment with religious liberty” become that

in Cultures of Violence
The pastoral responses of the Irish churches to emigration
Sarah Roddy

commitment to the religious needs of the colonies, and of Irish congregations’ financial contributions to clergy in the colonies. ‘I have often been deeply humbled,’ he said, ‘nay, obliged to blush, over the reports that have reached us of the miserable givings of some of your congregations for the maintenance of those engaged in the noblest and best of work’.129 Yet the apparently misguided supposition that ‘a missionary to the colonies receives at once adequate support from the people to whom he ministers’ – true only in Victoria, according to McClure – meant, inevitably

in Population, providence and empire
Alec Ryrie

to have been wholly surprised by the violence and determination of the Congregation’s resistance, nor were the Congregation themselves following any kind of predetermined plan. The storm blew up from clouds no bigger than a man’s hand, and took a course which none of the participants could have predicted. When it eventually came, the rebellion was a rising both against the Catholic establishment and against perceived French oppression. If a religious revolt was unexpected, perhaps anti-French feeling was more apparent. It has often been suggested that the 1559

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation
The failure of congregational ideas in the Mersey Basin region, 1636–41
James Mawdesley

his letter to E. B., Mather argued that the maintenance of pastors should be raised ‘voluntarily’ from within their congregations.110 The collection of tithes from sometimes recalcitrant parishioners was already a potential minefield for the clergy, and particularly for those clergy ministering in large northern parishes with an array of tithe rights and, often, the need to pay stipends to curates. In effect, Mather’s letter had provided a ready justification for the less religious to exclude themselves from the church and not pay their tithes. This situation had

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Abstract only
The Church of England, migration and the British world
Joseph Hardwick

fold. 7 Indeed religious figures were among the first to recognise that there was such a thing as a ‘British world’: Charles Inglis, the Anglican bishop of Nova Scotia, referred to his inhabiting such a thing as early as 1812. 8 Recently, scholars working on the Church of England have explored the varying contributions that Anglican clerics made to the creation of ‘neo’ or ‘Better Britains’. Anglican

in An Anglican British World