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French clerical reformers and episcopal status

seventeenthcentury figure may be termed the founder of the theology of priesthood, it is Cardinal Pierre de Bérulle (1575–1629), on whom all later writers on priesthood and reforming activists drew heavily. His reflections culminated in the formation in 1611, of the Congregation of the Oratory, a company of dedicated secular priests who would correspond to their founder’s notion of the clerical vocation. When Bérulle died in 1629, the Oratory numbered approximately four hundred members, housed in over sixty locations and overseeing many students training for the priesthood in

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Reorganizing leprosy care, 1890– 1900

Surinamese confinement policies and the necessity for an accommodation between the dominant Christian religious groups in the colony (Protestants and Catholics) and with the colonial state. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century. However, at the end of the nineteenth century, this alliance was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. The reorganization of leprosy care in the colony was intended to establish a better

in Leprosy and colonialism

associations, “multiplied local congregations and overflowed into a veritable phalanx of evangelical organizations” that helped 126 Cultures of violence to stabilize a dynamic post-revolutionary society.7 Methodists and Baptists, followed closely by Presbyterians, rapidly outgrew their fringe status within American Christianity, eclipsing the established Anglican Church to become the largest denominations by 1820. The swiftness of this change was most striking in the Southern states. Here, so entrenched did this “radical experiment with religious liberty” become that

in Cultures of Violence
The pastoral responses of the Irish churches to emigration

commitment to the religious needs of the colonies, and of Irish congregations’ financial contributions to clergy in the colonies. ‘I have often been deeply humbled,’ he said, ‘nay, obliged to blush, over the reports that have reached us of the miserable givings of some of your congregations for the maintenance of those engaged in the noblest and best of work’.129 Yet the apparently misguided supposition that ‘a missionary to the colonies receives at once adequate support from the people to whom he ministers’ – true only in Victoria, according to McClure – meant, inevitably

in Population, providence and empire

to have been wholly surprised by the violence and determination of the Congregation’s resistance, nor were the Congregation themselves following any kind of predetermined plan. The storm blew up from clouds no bigger than a man’s hand, and took a course which none of the participants could have predicted. When it eventually came, the rebellion was a rising both against the Catholic establishment and against perceived French oppression. If a religious revolt was unexpected, perhaps anti-French feeling was more apparent. It has often been suggested that the 1559

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation
The failure of congregational ideas in the Mersey Basin region, 1636–41

his letter to E. B., Mather argued that the maintenance of pastors should be raised ‘voluntarily’ from within their congregations.110 The collection of tithes from sometimes recalcitrant parishioners was already a potential minefield for the clergy, and particularly for those clergy ministering in large northern parishes with an array of tithe rights and, often, the need to pay stipends to curates. In effect, Mather’s letter had provided a ready justification for the less religious to exclude themselves from the church and not pay their tithes. This situation had

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
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The Church of England, migration and the British world

fold. 7 Indeed religious figures were among the first to recognise that there was such a thing as a ‘British world’: Charles Inglis, the Anglican bishop of Nova Scotia, referred to his inhabiting such a thing as early as 1812. 8 Recently, scholars working on the Church of England have explored the varying contributions that Anglican clerics made to the creation of ‘neo’ or ‘Better Britains’. Anglican

in An Anglican British World
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The Church and education

have been displayed by their Dutch predecessors. If they became socially and linguistically assimilated with their congregations, they brought fresh educational and theological outlooks to bear. In the end the DRC became something of a Dutch/Scots hybrid. Religious ideas and practices are modified in their transference across the globe like any others. Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Utrecht, Cape Town, Graaff Reinet (or

in The Scots in South Africa
History and context

The hospital movement in Europe arose out of a tradition of charity and religious life that originated in the earliest days of Christianity. The perception of who deserved charity and whose responsibility it was to provide such relief changed considerably by the twelfth century as the populations of cities grew and the ability of ecclesiastical institutions to serve them diminished. The perception of personal charity shifted from the idea of caritas to misericordia . Caritas , the term employed in the earlier Middle Ages, refers to

in Hospitals and charity
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historians have hypothesised that a concern for the religious welfare of the departed may have coloured clerical condemnation of the exodus, there has been little substantiating analysis of the pastoral response of the Irish Catholic Church to the mass out-movement of their congregations.33 Examination of what the Freeman’s Journal termed ‘priests for the emigrants’ has instead been the almost exclusive preserve of ecclesiastical historians, often moonlighting clergy, who have arguably treated the subject of the pastoral response of the Catholic Church with excessive

in Population, providence and empire