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within the key structures of Israeli society, despite the ideology of equal inclusion in labour and defence that underpinned the pre-state period. Following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, the persistent security situation continued to impinge upon gender relations. However, the period of statehood established an additional factor in the social construction of biological difference

in Redefining security in the Middle East

which actors are locked. Often, the most relevant of these structures are not official state institutions, but informal and traditional institutions in the shadow of the façade of statehood. Detecting these requires an intimate knowledge of the local. Conducting traditional ethnographical fieldwork captures unofficial institutions, networks, norms and values systems that help examine local social settings, in which the official (normative) story conceals rather than reveals the ‘real’ story of why actors act. To what extent can insights, produced by such a research design

in Potentials of disorder

alternative modernity 27 Understanding change in non-­European societies After the Second World War, especially with the process of de-­colonisation, there was a great drive to grasp the dynamics of social, economic and political changes in non-­European societies. Until the 1990s, three main paradigms – ­modernisation theory, dependency theory and world-­system theory – dominated the discussions. There is a large amount of literature available on these theories, but they will be only briefly mentioned here.3 Although it is beyond doubt that the debates between the two

in Turkey facing east

M1634 - HAYWARD TEXT.qxp:ANDY Q7 27/1/09 13:23 Page 189 8 Governance, state and polity This chapter examines the conceptualisation of ‘governance’ in Irish official discourse in relation to both the Irish ‘state’ and the European ‘polity’. ‘State’ and ‘polity’ constitute the broad conceptual and institutional supporting frameworks for the meaning and significance of governance in nation-statehood and European Union respectively. The traditional narrative of the state is national self-determination, i.e. quest of the nation to decide and direct its own forms

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Autonomy and capacity

explanation for theoretical reticence – the propensity of legal and social science scholars towards terminological confusion. Autonomy is often used interchangeably with other related concepts such as self-determination, self-government, devolution and associated statehood (Lapidoth 1997; Rothchild and Hartzell 2000; Safran and Maiz 2000). Moreover, autonomy is often defined by what it is not – and here it is usually understood that autonomy does not mean secession, but rather a means of avoiding the break-up of states (Heintze 1998). As legal scholars like to emphasise

in Using Europe

statehood against the Federation as much as against a European central bureaucracy’ (Bayernpartei 1993: 47). Due to its weak electoral support, the BP’s demands have had little impact on the strategies of other Bavarian parties, which have all endorsed federalism within Germany and Europe. 3446 Using Europe 16/4/10 12:12 Page 124 124 USING EUROPE Decentralising federalism The Christian Social Union is Germany’s staunchest advocate of securing greater regional autonomy in Europe through a process of decentralising federalism. This would allow individual regions and

in Using Europe
The ‘drift’ phenomenon in the ‘free Tibet’ and global warming campaigns

opposed constructions of reality’.1 Given this binary framing, it comes as no great shock that more than five decades of campaigning has failed to result in concessions from Beijing on the subject of Tibetan independence. While aspirations of statehood have existed in the territory since well before the Republican period, the calls of ‘free Tibet’ activists for self-​determination since the PRC’s formal takeover in 1959 have 106 106  The advocacy trap been repeatedly rebuffed and demonized by the communists as the machinations of foreign anti-​Chinese conspirators

in The advocacy trap
State–society relations and conflict in post-socialist Transcaucasia

evolved and culturally embedded patterns of state–society relations as a key variable.1 A specific mode of state building, adapted to and shaped by a culturally mediated social structure, is analysed as a crucial precondition for the proliferation of ethnic violence. The analysis is based on five theses. Starting from the secure ground of more or less commonly accepted knowledge on conflict analysis, the chapter finishes with considerations of a rather speculative character. Owing to a lack of sufficient empirical data the chapter is confined to drawing the blueprint of an R

in Potentials of disorder

integration. It is shown that European integration has greatly influenced Scottish parties’ pursuit of constitutional autonomy and enhanced policy capacity. However, this adaptation has been neither a linear nor a homogenous process. Despite the main issues of European integration remaining constant, Scottish parties have continuously vacillated on the question of deepening economic, political and social integration, and Scotland’s role in shaping these processes. Political traditions and ideologies in Scotland Scotland is widely accepted as having distinct political

in Using Europe
The challenges of neoliberalisation

du parc social? Une approche ethnographique de la gestion des HLM. Sociologie du Travail, 55(1): 56–75. Brenner, N. (2004a). New State Spaces: Urban Governance and the Rescaling of Statehood. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brenner, N. (2004b). Urban governance and the production of new state spaces in western Europe, 1960–2000. Review of International Political Economy, 11(3): 447–88. Brenner, N., Peck, J., and Theodore, N. (2012). Neoliberalism resurgent? Market rule after the Great Recession. South Atlantic Quarterly, 111(2): 265–88. Brunet, J.-P. (1981). Un

in Western capitalism in transition