Germanpolitical thriller in which the Stasi
agents were the heroes.
The same year, ‘Bettina’ joined the Stasi. The person would remain
known under this cover name as the 39 million index cards in the archive
of the former Stasi in Berlin do not reveal the person’s identity, just a
registration number: XV/92/67. ‘Bettina’ was active in the Bonn area,
the former capital of the former West Germany. What is known is that
‘Bettina’ was a member of a Stasi unit that targeted ministries including
the department of telecommunications of the West German army, the
?,” GermanPolitics 5, no. 3 (ecember 1996), pp. 505–506.
3 Ibid., pp. 506–507 and Galonska, Landesparteiensysteme, pp. 48–49.
4 Broughton and Bentley, “The 1996 Länder Elections,” pp. 508–509.
5 Das Parlament, no. 15 (6 April 2001), p. 4 and Oscar W. Gabriel, “Die badenwürttembergische Landtagswahl vom 25. März 2001,” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 33, no. 1 (March 2002), pp. 10–26.
6 Galonska, Landerparteiensysteme, pp. 49–50.
7 Thomas Renz and Günter Rieger, “Die bayerische Landtagswahl vom 13.
September 1998,” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 30, no. 1 (February 1999
subject be overcome without an abandonment of reason. The appearance
of TCA and PDM coincided with a rightward shift in Germanpolitics, the
election of Helmut Kohl in 1982 inaugurating sixteen years of Christian
Democratic government. As previously, it was in Habermas’s journalism that
theoretical concerns were made relevant to contemporary affairs.
‘Conservative politics, work, socialism and Utopia today’ (Habermas,
1986d), an article from 1984, continued to chart the fortunes of the welfare
state. Yet along with the rise of the New Right, Habermas argued that this
The Bundeswehr’s projection capability
The 1990s saw a widening gap between the new Germanpolitical willingness to
deploy military might out-of-area, on the one hand, and German force planning, on the other. Though ever-greater numbers of troops were dispatched to
ever more distant theatres, Germany’s security policy elite remained committed
to force structures tailored for defensive territorial defence. With increasing
diﬃculty the gap was straddled by German troops on the ground in Africa, the
Balkans, and Afghanistan.
The year 2000 saw the
A history of immigration to modern Britain and Germany: national and local perspectives
Change in Europe and North America (Cambridge,
1992), pp. 36–54.
See Simon Green, ‘Divergent traditions, converging responses: Immigration
and integration policy in the UK and Germany’, GermanPolitics, 16:1 (2007),
Under the rotation system, guest-workers were initially granted a one-year
work permit, which could then be renewed. However, rotation was not strictly
enforced, and many guest-workers and their families became long-term
3940 Foreigners, minorities and integration:Layout 1
Foreigners, minorities and integration
Debating Cold War anxieties in West Germany, 1945–90
left-wing Social Democratic Party (SPD)
perceived the ‘atomic age’ as positive, as a future characterised by a limitless supply of cheap electric energy.13
The prospect of nuclear destruction became a hotly contested topic
in West Germanpolitics only in the wake of German rearmament.
Public debate on this issue had started in 1950, and until the founding of the Bundeswehr rebuilt German armed forces within the framework of NATO in 1955. A crucial prerequisite of Germany’s return to
(still limited) sovereignty, and its rearmament, was Chancellor Konrad
expresses love for
the Bavarian Heimat and the need to preserve and defend it in much the
same way as nationalists prioritise the nation . . . the ideology of the CSU is
nothing other than a nationalist one’ (Sutherland 2001a: 12). At the same
time, the CSU’s federalist orientation is central to its success. The party has
3446 Using Europe
been able to provide a bridge to Germanpolitics through its electoral
partnership with the Christian Democratic Union, which allows the CSU
to contest federal elections and form governing
religiosity, that it was in the words of
Franz von Papen a ‘faith rooted in politics’ rather than a ‘politics
rooted in faith’.85 It was also common during the Nazi era to read,
especially outside Germany, that Nazism and Soviet communism
were religious movements which threatened to usurp Christianity
itself.86 Eric Voegelin, the Germanpolitical philosopher who fled
the Third Reich for the USA, was ‘one of the first to recognise the
historical significance of this phenomenon’ in his 1939 treatise Die
Although in the post-war period it was central
Refugees and political parties,
Historians and political scientists have so far devoted little attention
to the refugees’ impact on political life in the Western Occupation
Zones of Germany. This is surprising since the newcomers undoubtedly represented an important factor in post-war West Germanpolitics simply by dint of their numerical strength. They made up
some 16 per cent of the West German electorate at the first Bundestag Election held in August 1949, while in Schleswig-Holstein, the
state most severely affected by the refugee
Pritt’s Parliamentary Question of 8 May 1945 on the decision not to
transfer Bush to the Army Education Corps (Hansard, 5th Series, Parliamentary
Debates, HC, vol. 410, col. 1864).
21 Draft MI5 minute for HO, 25 September 1939, TNA, KV2/1010/19a (file on
22 Reports dating between April and June 1941, in TNA, KV2/3515.
23 See Charmian Brinson, The Strange Case of Dora Fabian and Mathilde Wurm: A
Study of GermanPolitical Exiles in London during the 1930’s, Berne: Lang 1997,
pp. 295ff. and passim.
24 Cross-reference on ‘Brockway, A. Fenner’, 21 June