49 Lords, 21 June 1852, Hansard, 122, col. 1056.
50 FO 7/397, no. 27, draft, Malmesbury to Westmorland, 23 March 1852.
The draft was seen and approved by Derby; unlike most of the draft
despatches to Vienna in March, it is clearly marked with his ‘D’.
51 Lords, 21 June 1852, Hansard, 122, col. 1042.
52 Malmesbury Papers, 9M73/451, Derby to Malmesbury, 19 July 1852.
53 A detailed discussion of the political significance of refugees may be
found in Bernard Porter, The Refugee Question in Mid-VictorianPolitics
(Cambridge, 1979), in particular chapter 5; the first
of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009). www.
oxforddnb.com/view/article/17798, accessed 6 July 2015.
12 C.L. Falkiner, ‘Steele, Thomas (1788–1848)’, rev. G. McCoy, Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2007). www.
oxforddnb.com/view/article/26348, accessed 6 July 2015.
13 S. Collini, ‘The idea of “character” in Victorianpolitical thought’, Transactions of
the Royal Historical Society, 35 (1985), 29–50; P. Langford, Englishness Identified:
Manners and Character, 1650
were forced on
him by the dismal & degrading spectacle of the Peace Congress,
where men played shamelessly, not for Europe, or even England,
but for their own return to Parliament at the next election.’94
Keynes’s enchantments are negated by the greed both of the reparations and the self-promotion of those who conducted negotiations.
Gone is the paternalism of Victorianpolitics, replaced by a naked
Modernism, conflict and the home front, 1922–27 139
Figure 3.1 The Peace Day parade in London, 1919
self-interest. The Manchester Guardian’s editorial also noted
moral judgements – what is the good life? – rather than the analysis of
social mechanisms which is the province of cultural materialism, and
that my judgement rests on little more than personal conviction. I
was, therefore, grateful to read Susan Johnston’s book, Women and
Domestic Experience in VictorianPolitical Fiction (2001), which places
Gaskell’s work in the context of contemporary [ie Victorian] ideas about
the liberal polity and the role of the individual within it. This context
restores value-judgements about the good life to the centre of attention
and fall of Repeal: Slavery and Irish Nationalism in
Antebellum Philadelphia’ in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and
Biography (vol. 130, no. 1, 2005), 14, suggests this may have been pragmatic
as Tyler was switching his allegiance to the Democratic Party and wanted a
nomination, and he realized the importance of the Irish vote.
Duffy, Young Ireland, vol. i, pp. 78, 149–50.
Kinealy, Lives of VictorianPolitical Figures, pp. 63–73.
Daunt, Personal Recollections, vol. ii, p. 168.
Ibid., vol. i, p. 284.
Hon. S.P. Chase, Reply to Daniel O’Connell, in Daniel O
109 Duffy, Four Years, p. 450.
110 Saville, 1848.
111 Gwynn, Young Ireland, p. 114.
112 Duffy, Four Years, p. 393.
113 See Kinealy, Lives of VictorianPolitical Figures.
114 14 June 1847: Thomson and McGusty, Irish Journals, p. 151.
115 Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, p. 346.
116 Memorandum of Smith O’Brien, on 1847 and 1848, Smith O’Brien Papers,
NLI, MS 449, n.d.
117 Duffy, Four Years, p. 26.
118 Gwynn, Young Ireland, p. 114.
119 R. Hamill, Council Rooms of Irish Confederation to James Cantwell,
Correspondence of Irish Confederation, RIA, MS 23.H
The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
‘good claim to being the individual most
responsible for broadening the imaginative horizons of Victorianpolitical
thought’. He was clearly a ‘realist’ in that he is often74 seen as being in the
same political lineage as George Kennan, Martin Wight, Herbert Butterfield
or Reinhold Niebuhr, some key members of the realist canon, whom we
have also identified as NWO thinkers of distinction. Bell shows how Seeley
has been subsumed into what Karma Nabulsi calls the ‘martialist’ tradition of late nineteenth-century thinkers who lauded the development of the
probability of an
improved observance of international justice’ was simply omitted (without any
explanation) by the editor, Sheldon Amos.
45 On Maine and colonial law, see Sandra den Otter, ‘“A legislating empire”:
Victorianpolitical theorists, codes of law, and empire’, and Karuna Mantena,
‘The crisis of liberal imperialism’, both in Bell, Victorian Visions, 89–112 and
46 Stefan Collini, Donald Winch and J. W. Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics
(Cambridge, 1983), p. 210; and, more generally, Alan Diamond (ed.), The
Victorian Achievement of
-century British pioneering of trusteeship with the post1919 ‘opportunity that the empire offers for service to mankind’.
Muir spoke of the imperial contribution to ‘the enlargement of
justice and freedom in the world’, and Newton ended his volume
on the empire by invoking Christian values as the underlying
purpose of empire, echoing Seeley’s links between spiritual and
The expression of such views in the 1940s suggests that the
interest in moral agendas associated with ‘Victorian’ politics and
history writing survived the modernist turn to critical
Gagnier, ‘and the indolent
races of savages – whether Irish, African, or native American (key examples
throughout Victorianpolitical economy) – needed only to be inspired by envy
to desire his desires, imitate his wants, to be on the road to his progress and
The attempt to create this desire among indolent races ran like a leitmotif
through Lever’s musings on colonized peoples. It was there as early as 1893, in
his published diary account of his first ‘jaunt round the world’. In his entries
for New Zealand he commented that the government had