Search results

Abstract only
Foreign affairs, domestic problems
Geoffrey Hicks

. 49 Lords, 21 June 1852, Hansard, 122, col. 1056. 50 FO 7/397, no. 27, draft, Malmesbury to Westmorland, 23 March 1852. The draft was seen and approved by Derby; unlike most of the draft despatches to Vienna in March, it is clearly marked with his ‘D’. 51 Lords, 21 June 1852, Hansard, 122, col. 1042. 52 Malmesbury Papers, 9M73/451, Derby to Malmesbury, 19 July 1852. 53 A detailed discussion of the political significance of refugees may be found in Bernard Porter, The Refugee Question in Mid-Victorian Politics (Cambridge, 1979), in particular chapter 5; the first

in Peace, war and party politics
‘You see McDonnell the value of a good character’
Katie Barclay

Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009). www. oxforddnb.com/view/article/17798, accessed 6 July 2015. 12 C.L. Falkiner, ‘Steele, Thomas (1788–1848)’, rev. G. McCoy, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2007). www. oxforddnb.com/view/article/26348, accessed 6 July 2015. 13 S. Collini, ‘The idea of “character” in Victorian political thought’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 35 (1985), 29–50; P. Langford, Englishness Identified: Manners and Character, 1650

in Men on trial
Andrew Frayn

were forced on him by the dismal & degrading spectacle of the Peace Congress, where men played shamelessly, not for Europe, or even England, but for their own return to Parliament at the next election.’94 Keynes’s enchantments are negated by the greed both of the reparations and the self-promotion of those who conducted negotiations. Gone is the paternalism of Victorian politics, replaced by a naked Modernism, conflict and the home front, 1922–27 139 Figure 3.1  The Peace Day parade in London, 1919 self-interest. The Manchester Guardian’s editorial also noted

in Writing disenchantment
Abstract only
The Critical Debate, 1985–2004
Patsy Stoneman

depends on moral judgements – what is the good life? – rather than the analysis of social mechanisms which is the province of cultural materialism, and that my judgement rests on little more than personal conviction. I was, therefore, grateful to read Susan Johnston’s book, Women and Domestic Experience in Victorian Political Fiction (2001), which places Gaskell’s work in the context of contemporary [ie Victorian] ideas about the liberal polity and the role of the individual within it. This context restores value-judgements about the good life to the centre of attention

in Elizabeth Gaskell
Repeal, 1840–45
Christine Kinealy

and fall of Repeal: Slavery and Irish Nationalism in Antebellum Philadelphia’ in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (vol. 130, no. 1, 2005), 14, suggests this may have been pragmatic as Tyler was switching his allegiance to the Democratic Party and wanted a nomination, and he realized the importance of the Irish vote. Duffy, Young Ireland, vol. i, pp. 78, 149–50. Kinealy, Lives of Victorian Political Figures, pp. 63–73. Daunt, Personal Recollections, vol. ii, p. 168. Ibid., vol. i, p. 284. Hon. S.P. Chase, Reply to Daniel O’Connell, in Daniel O

in Repeal and revolution
Abstract only
Repeal in retreat
Christine Kinealy

449, n.d. 109 Duffy, Four Years, p. 450. 110 Saville, 1848. 111 Gwynn, Young Ireland, p. 114. 112 Duffy, Four Years, p. 393. 113 See Kinealy, Lives of Victorian Political Figures. 114 14 June 1847: Thomson and McGusty, Irish Journals, p. 151. 115 Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, p. 346. 116 Memorandum of Smith O’Brien, on 1847 and 1848, Smith O’Brien Papers, NLI, MS 449, n.d. 117 Duffy, Four Years, p. 26. 118 Gwynn, Young Ireland, p. 114. 119 R. Hamill, Council Rooms of Irish Confederation to James Cantwell, Correspondence of Irish Confederation, RIA, MS 23.H

in Repeal and revolution
Abstract only
The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
Andrew Williams

‘good claim to being the individual most responsible for broadening the imaginative horizons of Victorian political thought’. He was clearly a ‘realist’ in that he is often74 seen as being in the same political lineage as George Kennan, Martin Wight, Herbert Butterfield or Reinhold Niebuhr, some key members of the realist canon, whom we have also identified as NWO thinkers of distinction. Bell shows how Seeley has been subsumed into what Karma Nabulsi calls the ‘martialist’ tradition of late nineteenth-century thinkers who lauded the development of the British Empire

in Failed imagination?
Casper Sylvest

probability of an improved observance of international justice’ was simply omitted (without any explanation) by the editor, Sheldon Amos. 45 On Maine and colonial law, see Sandra den Otter, ‘“A legislating empire”: Victorian political theorists, codes of law, and empire’, and Karuna Mantena, ‘The crisis of liberal imperialism’, both in Bell, Victorian Visions, 89–112 and 113–35, respectively. 46 Stefan Collini, Donald Winch and J. W. Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics (Cambridge, 1983), p. 210; and, more generally, Alan Diamond (ed.), The Victorian Achievement of

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Joanna de Groot

-century British pioneering of trusteeship with the post1919 ‘opportunity that the empire offers for service to mankind’. Muir spoke of the imperial contribution to ‘the enlargement of justice and freedom in the world’, and Newton ended his volume on the empire by invoking Christian values as the underlying purpose of empire, echoing Seeley’s links between spiritual and colonial purposes.81 The expression of such views in the 1940s suggests that the interest in moral agendas associated with ‘Victorianpolitics and history writing survived the modernist turn to critical

in Empire and history writing in Britain c.1750–2012
Brian Lewis

Gagnier, ‘and the indolent races of savages – whether Irish, African, or native American (key examples throughout Victorian political economy) – needed only to be inspired by envy to desire his desires, imitate his wants, to be on the road to his progress and his civilization.’6 The attempt to create this desire among indolent races ran like a leitmotif through Lever’s musings on colonized peoples. It was there as early as 1893, in his published diary account of his first ‘jaunt round the world’. In his entries for New Zealand he commented that the government had

in ‘So clean’