Abstract only
R.J.B. Bosworth

-liberal ‘market’ hegemony, the recipes of Fascism for human or national Italian good – autarky, empire, corporatism, war (and a dreadful tally of ‘premature deaths’ reaching a million) – are cruel, crude, dated and irrelevant. The attempts to parallel Berlusconi’s rule with that of the Duce are unconvincing in detail, while Italy’s neo-fascists, 272 The cult of the Duce long the fourth largest party in the Republic and even more influential in business and zones of popular culture, at present seem converted by their last leader, Gianfranco Fini, into opting for the discreet

in The cult of the Duce
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Louise Amoore

6/19/02, 1:55 PM Globalisation contested 160 distinctive meanings ascribed to national ‘models’ within the construction of globalisation are rarely problematised. Indeed, there is an assumption that the pressures of globalisation have heralded an undisputed victory for AngloSaxon neo-liberalism, and a defeat for social market corporatism. As I have shown, however, the making of a ‘global Britain’ has served a particular set of functions in the framing of the need to ‘harness’ globalisation via labour flexibilisation. Such representations extend beyond the terms

in Globalisation contested
Ireland in the 1980s
Gary Murphy

interdependence between business and labour. This challenges the representational monopoly of the confederations on each side that one would find in a classically corporatist arrangement. They argue that new relationships have emerged between government policy-making institutions and interest groups at different levels, with the result that traditional conceptions of neo-corporatism, premised on the effectiveness and power of central government, are outdated. For Roche and Cradden (2003: 80–7), both these approaches have faults, and they argue that social partnership can best

in Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987
Abstract only
Geoffrey K. Roberts

electorate at the time of a group of Land elections could have a vastly disproportional effect on, say, the balance of party strength in the Bundesrat. Does any of this matter? Surely in representative democracies the continuous pressure on governments, parties and politicians to be sensitive to the wishes of the electorate and to the periodic expression of the wishes of the voters through elections can only be a good thing? That may be so. In a political system such as that in Germany, however, where corporatism is pervasive, where the notion of consensus is seen both as a

in German electoral politics
Active internationalism and ‘credible neutrality’
Christine Agius

been an ‘elusive’ phrase (Weiss, 1998 : 86), contested and debated both within Sweden and abroad. Many writers will describe the Swedish Model as composed of the welfare state, corporatism 2 between government, unions and employers, and the ideology of the SAP. Lane describes the Swedish Model as a mixture of what Rustow refers to as the compromise model 3 and Heclo

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Jenny Andersson

human resources, stagnation and a deeply inefficient society. Thus, security was a force for economic advancement. On the other hand, the centrality of the concept of growth in Swedish social democratic ideology, with its well-noted productivism, supply side orientation and ‘business friendly’ corporatism, stemmed from an articulation of economic growth as a force for social progress and, ultimately, as

in Between growth and security
Raj Chari, John Hogan, Gary Murphy and Michele Crepaz

membership declined, while concomitantly interest group membership grew. The result is that while combined party membership can now be counted in the hundreds of thousands, interest group membership is in the millions (Coxall, 2014 ). With the Second World War came centralised planning and in the subsequent years of economic recovery interest groups became very important to the political and governmental process (McGrath, 2016 ). During the neo-corporatism of the 1950s and 1960s interest groups became agents for and extensions of the government (Forman, 1991

in Regulating lobbying (second edition)
Interpreting the unions–party link
Steve Ludlam

proposals: ‘The Social Democratic dilemma – how to contain the interests of organised labour within a broadly-based political party, and how to combine free trade unionism with the efficient management of the economy – remained unsolved’ (Jenkins 1970: 166). This background gives the pluralist literature its overwhelming focus: unions–government relations. This focus produced, in the 1970s, a burgeoning neo-pluralist literature on ‘corporatism’, a growth industry largely shut down, like so many others, by Margaret Thatcher. The link between affiliated unions and the party

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
The imperial metropolis of Heart of Darkness
Laura Chrisman

Director from nothing. Conrad’s impressionist style heavily pronounced in this scene.9 In it, the spatial boundaries that clearly distinguish the outer room, with its two receptionist furies, from the waiting room with its sad clerk, are dissolved. The boss – described, significantly, as ‘an impression’ – instead emerges from the more physically embodied secretary herself. If feminisation is one aspect of corporatism, reification is another. The Brussels scenes of Marlow’s employment provide variations on a theme of commodity fetishism: the objectification of labouring

in Postcolonial contraventions
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

was to be challenged by the transfer of state-owned industries to the private sector, a process known as ‘privatisation’. Corporatism was to be rejected and the role for trade unions and business in formal government economic planning was to be ended. There was a strong commitment to market economics as the best means of ensuring economic efficiency and high levels of economic growth. Keynesian economic management was to be abandoned, along with the

in Understanding political ideas and movements