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dramatic return to prominence of the Gospels in an astonishing proliferation of religious initiatives that sprouted in the twelfth century.14 The adherents to these initiatives shared an antipathy towards traditional monasticism, whether for its formal religion, its aristocratic snobbery, or its wealth, and they strove to live in what they believed to be greater conformity with the lives of Jesus and the Apostles.15 As one would expect of any such major reform movement, which one leading historian of the religious life has called the ‘Reformation of the Twelfth Century

in Indispensable immigrants

recruits to the religious life should be honourable and genuine rather than numerous. And would that it had been provided by law that no one under the age of thirty should put his head into that kind of noose, before he has learnt to know himself and has discovered the force of true religion! In any case those who take the Pharisees as the model in their business, and course over

in Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535
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, ­ ­economic, and social change, and even within a culture of intensified patriarchy, women persisted in occupying a central position in religious life throughout the period. This book investigates the roles that lay women played in Irish Catholic life from 1850 to 1950. Nuns, for the most part, have not been incorporated into this study because their religious, material, and physical conditions differed from those of most lay women. Additionally, while several historians have investigated Irish women religious, lay women’s roles remain almost entirely overlooked.5 This book

in Irish women and the creation of modern Catholicism, 1850–1950
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allegiance of all inhabitants, and did a remarkably good job of turning that claim into a reality. Scottish Catholicism was not merely politically defeated. It virtually disappeared from lowland Scotland and from the majority of the Highlands, until it returned with Irish immigrants in the eighteenth century. In its place, an astonishingly complete cultural revolution took place, as the model of religious life which Calvin had pioneered in a city of ten thousand people was rolled out across a sparse and sprawling country of a million or more souls. In 1559–60, this project

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation

dine at the residence of the referendary, Dado, whom he knew to lead a religious life. 19 The incident takes place about the year 636, when King Dagobert I (623–38) was at the height of his power. Yet here Fredegar gives us this curious report of the client king of Brittany, Judicael, who, when he came cowering to Dagobert bearing

in Late Merovingian France

which Britain divested itself of an Empire. 1 Yet the broader role of domestic religious life in shaping the public's engagement with decolonisation – reaching from the top of the institutional hierarchy to the local parish church, and including affiliated organisations and campaigns – remains shadowy and under-defined. This neglect is surprising given the important role that religion and, in particular, missionaries are seen to have played in the formation, expansion, and justification of the British Empire. Missionary involvement focused

in British civic society at the end of empire

between O’Brien’s novel and Antonia White’s Frost in May (1933), a work that appears, at first glance, remarkably similar. Set retrospectively, as O’Brien’s novel is, in the decade before the First World War, White’s narrative also charts the progress of a precocious, bookish young girl at an upper-class English THE EROTIC S OF LIBERAL CATHOLIC DISSENT 83 boarding school run by a French order of nuns. White shares O’Brien’s intellectual admiration for the strenuous discipline of religious life and her sensuous delight in Catholic ritual – though White takes this to

in Impure thoughts
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standards of clerical behaviour, but he accepted the intercessory role of the Virgin Mary and rejected the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone. 2 In short, Lyndsay had complex views befitting a complex time. As a Catholic critic of the Catholic Church, he was not alone in early sixteenth-century Scotland. Contrary to what many books on Scottish history would suggest, religious life in pre

in Death, life, and religious change in Scottish towns, c.1350–1560
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compelling characteristics of medieval urban piety was the extensive participation of women in all facets of charitable and religious life. Participation in semi-religious activities such as the administration of a hospital gave women an opportunity to engage in their community at a level that would be barred to them in any other arena. Women made up a majority of membership in the Humiliati and their activity in the administration of charity including hospitals is well documented.75 For example, Ospedale San Vitale in Como was given to the sisters of the order of

in Hospitals and charity

religious orders of the period, the frati and sorores administering the hospitals in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries found their desire to adopt a 114 Hospitals and charity new and innovative religious life constantly in conflict with a nostalgia and need for the order and structure of older religious models. They frequently organized their communities around the model of monastic discipline and worldly withdrawal espoused by traditional religious.4 However, their involvement in communal issues in their neighbourhoods, the interests and demands of their secular

in Hospitals and charity