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journalists, clergy, politicians, and others who were happy to explode the myth of the inefficient and disorderly Irish’.26 Its sermons and symbols commemorated the rise of Ireland as a Catholic nation. These proclaimed that Irish national distinctiveness was rooted in the Catholic faith of its people. But there was also a concern that a national identity so rooted in religious faith and ritual needed to be protected from the outside world. As captured in 1932 in a Dundalk newspaper: When you go down a narrow little street of tiny houses, beautifully whitened and spick

in Irish adventures in nation-building

’Meara, and R. J. McGhee, Alexander Leeper and Dr John Ringland were members of both the ARDP and DPOS committees. Church of Ireland Christian fellowships were founded in the 1830s to assist Protestants in times of hardship and to encourage religious practice.27 The development of county PO Societies pre-Poor Law From 1832 onwards, Roman Catholics could openly give land for the purpose of building churches and schools.28 The rising Catholic middle class contributed to the foundation of ninety-one convents by PO Societies and the Poor Law, 1830–50 31 the 1840s29 while

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
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, Abraham and Noah are mentioned by name more frequently than Mary, and Mary herself is mentioned more times than in the entire New Testament: God chose her ‘above women of all peoples’, and Surah 19, with its ninety-eight verses, is dedicated to her. Siddiqui omits to note that Gibbon, following the orientalist George Sale, held that the Roman Catholic doctrine of Mary’s own

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times

4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 76 8 Single women in story and society Anne Byrne The family has been central to Irish culture and society, evincing an anxious preoccupation with marital and familial relationships. Familism is associated with patriarchal systems in which the family is a valued social institution, supporting traditional performances of gender and sexuality in heterosexual marriage. A thorough understanding of the relations of ‘blood and marriage’ was crucial to a 1930s American anthropological study of Irish

in Are the Irish different?
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Reformatory and industrial schools and twentieth-century Ireland

institutions Linking these various perspectives on the role of the state and the role of the Catholic Church, a number of common themes emerge. Firstly, they suggest that priests, nuns and brothers undertook the work of providing services for women and children in particular, because the Irish state was unwilling to under­take the development of a range of welfare services itself and the religious took up the slack. Secondly, the state was unable to develop a welfare infrastructure due to the poor economic conditions facing the country after Independence. Thirdly, the state

in Defining events
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Ireland’s referendum and the journey from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft

campaign and argued on quite essentialist philosophical principles regarding natural law and the traditional definition of marriage as between a man and a woman. In a pastoral letter on marriage, the Irish bishops set out their conceptual stall in the first paragraph: Married love is a unique form of love between a man and woman which has a special benefit for the whole of society. The Catholic Church, with other Christians and 149   150 150 Going against the tide those of no particular religious view, regard the family based on marriage between a woman and a man as

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism

can be attributed to religious concerns as well as social need, as Catholic orders established orphanages and schools to counteract what they saw as the proselytising fervour of Protestant institutions. The fear of proselytism could be seen in many areas, such as the debates on the setting up of reformatories for young offenders in 1858, during which the Catholic hierarchy demanded that all boys and girls be sent to schools of their own denomination. Yet the fears worked both ways, as during debates on the formation of industrial schools, Ulster Protestants

in The cruelty man

chapter describes how these particular rationalities of government emerged in the context of the Irish juvenile justice system. Risk and reformation As already noted, the legislation enabling the establishment of the reformatory and industrial school system emerged as a result of lobbying from reformists concerned with the plight of the ‘perishing and dangerous classes’. However, while there was a strong lobby in favour of the introduction of these schools there was an equally strong Catholic religious lobby in favour of these institutions operating on strictly

in Wild Arabs and savages

under the CPOU’s charge. From a sample of two-hundred 86 The Protestant Orphan Society, 1828–1940 application files, dating from 1850 to 1860, in 62 per cent of cases, Protestant women had married outside their church; Protestant men had intermarried in 38 per cent of cases.44 The CPOU claimed that to provide for the orphans of mixed marriages was not proselytising for surely if that were so, orphans of mixed marriages raised in Catholic institutions were also victims of the same religious interference; ‘unless, therefore, you bring these children up as heathens

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
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The conclusions to be drawn

complex picture that contrasts with the often monochrome perspective of more general studies. Stafford’s immigrants proved to be a sample from almost the complete range of Irish society, so much so that the case studies could not encompass their full breadth of origins. Although there was the large group of Catholic Irish from the Castlerea area, even they exhibited some social diversity, and the rest came from all parts of Ireland, all classes, all religious persuasions and all the country’s historic ethnic groups. The absolute numbers of Irish were always too small

in Divergent paths