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Personalities and strategy-making

–79 parliamentary term. However, the entry also reveals some of the challenges we face in understanding the contemporary setting in which such papers were written. This chapter will examine the historical context, will chart the evolution of the strategy-making process within the two main parties during the 1970s, and will identify the protagonists and their methods of operating. Minority and coalition before 1974 In one sense, political coalitions of different forms have played significant roles in shaping both the historic experience of minority government and modern British

in The British tradition of minority government
Rousseau as a constitutionalist

just republic. It follows, therefore, that the enactment of legislation should be made conditional upon concurrent endorsements of at least two distinct political institutions, such as parliament and the executive, both chambers in a bicameral legislature, etc. To understand this tradition we must temporarily break off the narrative to take a look at its history – or rather its genealogy. The genealogy of constitutionalism It has been asserted – probably correctly – that constitutionalism was originally invented by (or entrusted upon) the Israelites. The law given to

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
On the sociological paradoxes of weak dialectical formalism and embedded neoliberalism

foundation empowered to legitimise electoral results. It is likely that this in turn will severely strain relations between legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.36 But perhaps a great deal that still needs to be explained is peremptorily bracketed out of the discussion if one accepts that each and every project to democratise the economy will end up centralising political power whilst also forfeiting the independence of the judiciary. For a start, it has already been established at the outset of this chapter that (1) political power is centralised in

in Critical theory and sociological theory

order to be economically viable, and even though Garnett is at the centre of the company he is not a ‘producer’ in the same sense that he was in the BBC in the 1960s and 1970s. Neither his taste nor his politics determine every project (indeed, nearly all World’s single films and mini-series were executive produced by others, notably Sophie Balhetchet in the mid-late 1990s). Garnett has adopted two separate but connected roles within World Productions, that of head of the company, responsible to Heyman and the parent company, and that of executive producer for

in Tony Garnett

3 Quintin Hogg, Lord Hailsham Let us urge that commonsense and moderation, though they often be decried as compromise, are none the less the true wisdom of politics, themselves political principles to which a party can honourably adhere. Quintin Hogg, 19471 I t was no surprise that Quintin Hogg, Lord Hailsham, developed political ambitions at an early age. His great-grandfather had been a Peelite MP, and his father served both as Attorney-General and Lord Chancellor on two separate occasions. His grandfather never entered the political fray; but in addition to

in Conservative thinkers
Suffragists and suffragettes

workers of all grades, and of others 94 Eva Gore Booth: An image of such politics interested in the industrial aspect of the Suffrage question.’9 The NESWS Committee appeared bitter about this move and included a postscript to their annual report. The postscript, included after Roper submitted the original report, notes that ‘since the annual meeting certain members of the executive committee have resigned, and have issued a circular to the subscribers asking them to leave this society and transfer their support to a new society which they have formed.’10 The new

in Eva Gore-Booth
British attempts at the politicisation of working-class Protestants in Northern Ireland, 1973–75

participated in the UWC strike were brought into mainstream party politics. As Minister of State in Northern Ireland 1974–76, Stanley Orme MP (1923–2005) worked at the heart of British government policies that attempted to ameliorate and politicise the membership of a number of those loyalist groups that had successfully brought down the power-sharing Executive in 1974. Whilst Orme had first followed, and then extended, the Secretary of State Merlyn Rees’s policy of often secret engagement with those outside the mainstream of Northern Ireland politics; a policy that

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
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The German model of federalism

districts responsible for schools, public housing, airports, parks, sewerage, public transport, etc., and the French prefectures or German cities and counties in which virtually all public activities are the administrative responsibility of the local general purpose executives. “Participatory federalism” is another term frequently applied to Germany. This refers to the participation by the Länder in federal legislation, that is, national policy making. This occurs informally through a variety of committees and conferences, such as the conference of Land prime ministers

in The Länder and German federalism
Towards a union or not?

The European Union’s dilemma 125 7 The European Union’s dilemma: towards a union or not? From its humble beginnings, [the Roman Empire] has grown so much that it is now suffering under its own size. (Titus Livius)1 Summary In March 1999 the European Commission, the European Union’s executive branch, resigned under accusations of fraud, nepotism and mismanagement, leading to intensive soul-searching as to what could be the right form of management for the EU. How could the democratic aspects of the emerging entity be enhanced? How could democracy be improved

in Destination Europe
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Jonathon Shears

5 •• Class Increased concern for the welfare of the working classes is one dominant motif of political debate in the mid-nineteenth century with which the organisers of the Great Exhibition could not avoid engaging. In The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 (1845), Friedrich Engels wrote about the impoverished and demoralised state of provincial workers that he had witnessed first hand, famously proclaiming, ‘Thus are the workers cast out and ignored by the class in power, morally as well as physically and mentally’ (p. 144). In 1842, Edwin

in The Great Exhibition, 1851