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Creating the Gibraltarian

politics of Gibraltar an Executive Council (more of which in a later chapter), consisting of his chief officials together with unofficial members chosen to represent the civilian community, which meant, in practice, its commercial sector.34 As a consequence, Executive Council recommendations were highly sensitive to, though never entirely determined by, the business interests of resident civilians.35 In November 1923 the Executive Council decided, after consulting the Chamber of Commerce, that legislation should be introduced to restrict the business activities of aliens

in Community and identity
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Algerian communists and the new Algeria

notwithstanding, the FLN’s internal power struggles erupted into the open. Three aspiring governments vied for power: the provisional executive set up at Evian; the GPRA, led by President Ben Khedda and seven ministers; and Ben Bella’s political bureau. Although the Tripoli conference had not ratified the political bureau, Ben Bella refused to back down, and he gained the support of Boumediène and the external

in We are no longer in France
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The respectable face of troublemaking

’s transformative potential, but its two major leaders, the Conservative aristocrat Robert Cecil and Oxford classicist Gilbert Murray, peddled a version of international co-operation which was fatally stunted from birth, promising ‘all the advantages of revolution without its troubles’.2 This book offers an alternative interpretation of the popular League movement in Britain. It argues that, whatever its ultimate failings as a mechanism of collective security, the League inspired a rich and participatory culture of political protest, popular education and civic ritual which took

in The British people and the League of Nations
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of Britain's political elite. The fluid and evolving nature of sovereignty with its ambiguous definitions ensured ideal opportunities for those who wished to exploit the concept for their own personal or political motives. Furthermore, the tenacity with which some politicians used the term sovereignty when debating Britain's membership of the Common Market between 1959 and 1984 neglected the changing realities of political power resulting from executive domination and the emerging phenomena of globalisation and governance. Chapter 3 , ‘The

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
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Postcolonial hangovers

economic system after 1997; the back-down by Chief Executive Tung Chee-wah (and implicitly by Beijing) over the proposed ‘anti-sedition law’ based on Article 23 of the Basic Law, following massive demonstrations on 1 July 2003, was the most important example, but not the only one. While this demonstration centred on political freedoms, the 2012 demonstrations against the adoption of a ‘patriotic’ school

in Hong Kong and British culture, 1945–97

position of political leadership over the strikewave. This lack of any coherent and central leadership was made worse when the authorities began searching for the Executive, forcing many to flee Manchester. Hill’s opposition to the strikes meant that the Northern Star, the only other clear point of leadership, barely reported them. On 20 August it devoted its front pages to the Peterloo commemorations, and in an editorial reiterated that the strikes were an ACLL plot, reprinting in detail the evidence.33 O’Connor was in London, preoccupied with his attempt to get a daily

in Popular virtue
League activism and class politics

they are treated in a very different way, and their comments, however halting, are invited and encouraged.71 Brown further argued that the LNU’s bar on partisan talk was peculiarly alien to the politically minded artisan, who was more accustomed to the trade union or Labour party meeting where ‘hard words are freely exchanged’ and where ‘workers feel that they are among real human beings’.72 Judging by the prominence of middle-class individuals on branch Executives, it was more than likely that Brown’s portrait of a mismatch of political subjectivities carried with

in The British people and the League of Nations

’internationale Syndicale Rouge, 20 July 1922, pp. 4–6. 42 British Library of Political and Economic Science (BLPES) WILPF executive committee minutes, 16 September 1920. 43 Dutt’s article on proletarian dictatorship, The Guildsman, October 1919, pp. 4–5. 44 NGL, Report of the Committee of Five, London, 1920. 45 NGL, Annual Report 1920–1921, London, 1921, p. 5. As well as A.E. Baker, F.W. Dalley, A.J. Plenty, M.B. Reckitt and Mrs Townsend. 46 Only attending one out of four meetings, NGL, Annual Report 1920–1921, London, 1921, p. 10. 47 Leaflet for series of lectures: ‘What is the

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
The International Institute of African Languages and Cultures between the wars

Organization. 9 An additional factor leading up to calls to international co-operation was a growing concern about ‘native reactions’ against White Rule. Thus at the IIALC Conference during the 1931 Colonial Exhibition, the French Colonel Derendinger, a member of the Executive Council, stressed the political emergency of a European unified front, in the face of native claims, arguing

in Ordering Africa

Post Office workers and the Liberal Party, commented, ‘I think the ILP are really becoming tacticians; that the “old” trade unionists have learned a great deal in the last few years; and that the very “new” trade unionists are saner than they were’.34 The major area of disagreement was, of course, over how much control the unions were to have within this new political alliance, with the ILP determined to ensure freedom of action for the socialist societies in the choice of parliamentary candidates and inclined to reduce the unions’ share of places on the executive

in The tide of democracy