activity any social
transformative capacity is embodied in his account of the master–slave
relationship as represented in Frederick Douglass’s autobiography.
Douglass, a leading nineteenth-century black activist and thinker, had
been a slave, and wrote several versions of his autobiography. His first and
most famous narrative contains a detailed account of the turning point in
his life, when he fights his slave master in a protracted physical struggle.
The struggle engenders Douglass’s self-respect, masculinity and the
respect of his master, who cannot defeat him
downward mobility; of the gender divisions
in labour and accompanying power relations related to the social
practice of masculinity and femininity; and of race relations born out
of the expansion of empire and its search for economic productivity.
Using the language and conceptual framework of class therefore
provides a means by which to explore the social and cultural dynamics
of continuing inequalities, and the potential for struggle against them.
Indeed, class is, by definition, a
Iain Lindsey, Tess Kay, Ruth Jeanes and Davies Banda
women's football, funded by the University of Central Lancashire. This study
emerged from Ruth's interest in the role of masculine sports in gender identity
construction for young women, and also the phenomenal interest in girls’
and women's’ football that was becoming evident whilst undertaking the Go
Sisters research. Zambia is traditionally a patriarchal society and football is
a bastion of masculinity; that girls and young women were playing in such large
outcomes by arguing that in general ‘the absence of a father is not inherently problematic for the male child’ (2004:24).
Under the Family Research Programme there was an increasing emphasis on the
individual agency of ‘vulnerable’ fathers. For example, the Strengthening Families
through Fathers report recommended a therapeutic approach to ‘vulnerable
fathers’ who were trapped in dangerous non-expressive masculinities (Ferguson
and Hogan, 2004:11). However, according to Garret, the major flaw in this type
of ‘post-modern life politics’ was a failure to recognise the
transcripts when he discovered that calls to a suicide prevention centre had
been recorded (Schegloff 1992b: xvii).
8 For a discussion of the methodological implications of conversation analysis for ethnography,
see Silverman 1998: ch. 4.
9 See, for example, Edley and Wetherell’s (1997; Wetherell and Edley 1999) analysis of
discourses around masculinity.
The radicalism of ethnomethodology
Underpinning this critique is a set of methodological commitments that derive
in significant respects from ethnomethodology. These reject two common types
of inference from
”: Northern industrial towns in late Georgian England’,
Urban History, 31:2 (2004), 178–9.
8 T. Henry, cited in W. H. Chaloner, ‘Manchester in the latter half of the eighteenth
century’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 42:1 (1959), 41.
9 J. Aikin, A Description of the country from thirty to forty miles round Manchester
(London, 1795), 184.
10 Barker, ‘Smoke cities’, 177.
11 H. Barker, ‘Soul, purse and family: Middling and lower-
class masculinity in
eighteenth-century Manchester’, Social History, 33:1 (February 2008), 15; T. Hunt,
‘Manufacturing culture: The
to focus in on others – a transition
method to move the life story forwards. Occasionally private history becomes a
springboard to discuss public events. Looking back to the late 1930s, the nation
is described in language that evokes both family and national identity: ‘The
country was having problems with Germany and the threat of war was getting
Furthermore, family was discussed in autobiographies by men. Although
the family was part of an assumed background, masculinity did not manifest
itself uniformly. Manville took on the role of ‘family historian
Shropshire Lad, as well as on matchboxes, in street names, picture books
and public statuary (Watson 2000), Webb’s achievement gave him heroic status.
The swim rendered him a national icon of triumphant masculinity, rebuffing concerns of the era regarding the enfeeblement of the middle classes and the future
of the empire (Watson 2000, Ch. 7; see also, Wiltse 2007, Ch. 2). At a celebratory dinner in Dover, he was announced in the introductory address as the man
who ‘had proved for one thing that the physical condition of Englishmen had not
degenerated’ (Watson 2000
Nineteenth-century Manchester theatre architecture and the urban spectator
, Manchester, p. 103.
51 ‘In the “slums” No. 4’.
52 See Chapter 7, ‘Living in Victorian Manchester’ in Kidd, Manchester,
pp. 118–41, for an overview of social developments in Manchester before 1914.
53 Borrowed from Joyce, The Rule of Freedom, pp. 204–5.
54 See Andrew Davies, ‘Masculinity and violence in late Victorian Manchester
and Salford’, pp. 351, 353, 359.
55 Wyke and Rudyard, Manchester Theatres, p. 47.
56 ‘In the “slums” No. 4’.
57 Joe Toole, Fighting Through Life, p. 2.
58 Manchester Guardian, 21 November 1891.
59 Sheffield and Rotherham Independent
K. McClelland, ‘Masculinity and the “representative artisan” in Britain, 1850–80’, in
M. Roper and J. Tosh (eds), Manful assertions: masculinities in Britain since 1800 (London,
1991), pp. 74–91.
The Samaritan, 4 (2) (1937), p. 13.
The Samaritan, 3 (2) (1936), and see The Contributor, January 1938, p. 12.
R. J. Morris, Class, sect and party: the making of the British middle class, Leeds 1820–1850
S. Yeo, Religion and voluntary organisations in crisis (London, 1976), p. 218.
Hospital contribution and civil society
160 S. Cherry, ‘Regional