satisfaction of having done their best’.1 While the war was in progress, however, most people did not see such a stark separation between ‘fronts’. Although well aware of the distance between themselves and the actual fighting, most middle-class civilian men stressed instead the connection between all those involved in the war effort, whether at home or abroad.2 Even Reginald Gibbs, who condemned the glamorisation of war as ‘a rejuvenator of old age, a purifier of morals and I know not what else’,3 regularly wrote of the British forces as a ‘we’, even as he condemned the

in Civvies

such heavy demands on people and material, and led to such widespread disruption to international trade, consumer practices were hardly likely to remain unaffected. • 227 • chap7.indd 227 05/04/2013 11:06:37 Civvies The aim of this chapter is thus to examine middle-class men’s wartime consumer and leisure practices. Recent research has shown that far from being disinterested in consumption, preferring to leave it to their womenfolk, Edwardian middle-class men were keen purchasers and users of the whole range of commodities and leisure opportunities on offer to

in Civvies
Patriotism, empire and the First World War

's conversion to imperialism and have instead questioned the effectiveness of propaganda and the volunteers' motivation for enlisting. 2 This chapter, while investigating this historiographical discourse, explores the issue of working-class and middle-class patriotism during the war from a rather different perspective. It is argued here that both standard accounts of war enthusiasm fail to focus

in Visions of empire

Angels, MaD’s founders and scriptwriters, Rob Lees and Jill Hughes, set about planning a more ambitious production for 2010, which they wanted to perform in a larger city centre venue. But Angels did not lead to the lasting success for which Lees and Hughes hoped. By 2011, MaD was performing to small audiences in north Manchester community centres. In this essay, I examine MaD’s experience and argue that policymakers and middle-class cultural practitioners marginalise working-class cultural production. The cultural and social ‘inclusion’ of working-class people has

in Culture in Manchester
The consumer politics of popular liberalism

8 ‘The lion turned into a lamb’: the consumer politics of popular liberalism The Liberal leader William Gladstone understood both the pleasures and pains of consumerism very well. He amassed an impressive art collection during his political career, which he reluctantly sold for financial reasons when nearing retirement. More mundanely, Gladstone also participated in the ‘china craze’ that gripped the middle classes in the 1860s, and could wax lyrical about his Worcester porcelain.1 Though his record as Chancellor of the Exchequer is much better known to

in Wanting and having
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share in celebration’, and for whom 11 November 1918 was a day of isolation and grief.3 Neither the extremes of unrestrained celebration nor of lonely sorrow seem to have been the experience of Armistice of most middle-class civilian men. They must, of course, have formed at least a proportion of the people who travelled to town and city centres across the country immediately or soon after hearing the news of the end of the war: it is estimated, for example, that around 100,000 people ‘flocked to London upon the news of the Armistice in 1918, and continued to do so

in Civvies
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agitation for social and political reform, to express Christian service at a time when women were barred from clerical roles and to organise within influential and highly systematised middle-class women’s networks. This investigation of women’s participation in associationalism and civic life seeks to provide a fresh approach to the ‘public sphere’ in order to illuminate women as agents of a middle-class identity and to develop the notion of a ‘feminine public sphere’, or the web of associations, institutions and discourses used by disenfranchised middle-class women to

in The feminine public sphere

middle-class men’s involvement in this home front ‘war work’ that is the focus of this chapter. After a brief survey of the options open to middle-class male volunteers and an examination of individuals’ motives for selecting the particular activities and organisations with which to become involved, the chapter considers more in detail two of the most common volunteering choices made by middle-class men: enlistment in the Volunteer Training Corps and the special constables. After assessing the extent to which participation in these two bodies allowed middleclass men to

in Civvies
Abstract only

’ because she believed that humane ethical attitudes, rather than blind market forces, should govern social relationships (see also Hopkins, 1931: 60). Mary Barton develops a contrast between two ethical systems, that of the working class, based on caring and co-operation, and that of the middle class, based on ownership, authority and the law. The dichotomy is similar to the conventional gender-role division, and Elizabeth Gaskell has been criticised (e.g. Lucas, l966: 174) for trying evade the question of class-struggle with an inappropriate domestic ethic. She had

in Elizabeth Gaskell

artisans and the rest of the working community. Despite being designed for artisan instruction, the societies’ survival into the second half of the century owed most to the continued patronage of middle-class members. This unpopularity among working-class males can be explained by the organisers’ insistence that ‘entertainment’ was kept to a minimum and that teaching and discussion should be monitored along strict guidelines. For example, the Mechanics Institute in Coventry was established in 1828 and formed to teach the city’s artisan weavers a variety of ‘safe’ natural

in Leisure, citizenship and working-class men in Britain, 1850–1945