There has been a lot of talk about the European Union's so-called 'democratic deficit', by which is meant its lack of legitimacy in the eyes of its citizens. This book provides a critical analysis of the democratic stalemate in European politics. It argues that the root of the 'democratic deficit' has more to do with the domestic political fields of the Union's member-states and the structure of the evolving European political field than with the relationships between supranational institutions. The book analyses the complex ways 'Europe' is integrated into domestic politics and shows how domestic political fields and cultures have prevented deepening integration. As a result of the formation of a European political field, political resources in European 'postnational' and 'postabsolutist' polities are being redistributed. The theory of structural constructivism proposed fuses French structural theories of politics and a 'bottom-up' approach to European integration. The book examines the relationship between French political traditions and the construction of a European security structure from the point of view of identity politics and the French post-imperialist syndrome. The educational and social homogeneity of French civil servants provides a political resource that certain individuals can use in Brussels, influencing the direction and form of European integration. Studying legislative legitimacy in the European Parliament elections, the book highlights that intellectuals are important players in French politics: the politics of the street has always been a key part of French political life.

Authority, authenticity and morality

This book challenges the assumptions that reporters and their audiences alike have about the way the trade operates and how it sees the world. It unpacks the taken-for-granted aspects of the lives of war correspondents, exposing the principles of interaction and valorisation that usually go unacknowledged. Is journalistic authority really only about doing the job well? Do the ethics of war reporting derive simply from the ‘stuff’ of journalism? The book asks why it is that the authoritative reporter increasingly needs to appear authentic, and that success depends not only on getting things right but being the right sort of journalist. It combines the critical sociology of Pierre Bourdieu and interviews with war correspondents and others with an active stake in the field to construct a political phenomenology of war reporting—the power relations and unspoken ‘rules of the game’ underpinning the representation of conflict and suffering by the media.

The Conservatives and Europe 1846–59

This book examines the mid-Victorian Conservative Party's significant but overlooked role in British foreign policy and in contemporary debate about Britain's relations with Europe. It considers the Conservatives' response—in opposition and government—to the tumultuous era of Napoleon III, the Crimean War and Italian Unification. Within a clear chronological framework, the book focuses on ‘high’ politics, and offers a detailed account of the party's foreign policy in government under its longest-serving but forgotten leader, the fourteenth Earl of Derby. It attaches equal significance to domestic politics, and incorporates an analysis of Disraeli's role in internal tussles over policy, illuminating the roots of the power struggle he would later win against Derby's son in the 1870s. Overall, the book helps provide us with a fuller picture of mid-Victorian Britain's engagement with the world.

New theoretical directions

Materiality has long been tied to the political projects of nationalism and capitalism. But how are we to rethink borders in this context? Is the border the limit where the capitalist nation-state, contested and re-created at its centre, becomes fixed? Or is it something else? Is the border something, or does it instead do things? This volume brings questions of materiality to bear specifically on the study of borders. These questions address specifically the shift from ontology to process in thinking about borders. The political materialities of borders does not presume the material aspect of borders but rather explores the ways in which any such materiality comes into being. Through ethnographic and philosophical explorations of the ontology of borders and its limitations from the perspective of materiality, this volume seeks to throw light on the interaction between the materiality of state borders and the non-material aspects of state-making. This enables a new understanding of borders as productive of the politics of materiality, on which both the state project rests, including its multifarious forms in the post-nation-state era.

The internal factors

3 Identity, Islamism and politics: the internal factors A nalytical and ethnographic studies about the British-Bangladeshi community conducted around the turn of the twentieth century1 and the events described in Chapter 2 demonstrate that a Muslim identity has gained salience among a section of British-Bangladeshis, especially the younger generation. ‘More and more young Bengalis now identify themselves first and foremost as Muslims rather than as Bengali or Bangladeshi,’ concluded Gardner and Shukur in 1994.2 Until the late 1980s, the Bengali ethnic identity

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
A lost cause?

chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman

in The politics of betrayal

9 Political corruption in Central and Eastern Europe Introduction There is likely to be something distinctive about corruption in the postcommunist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union. Political scientists have conventionally made a distinction between advanced liberal democracies, the so-called second world of communist and post-communist states, and third-world countries. These categories (especially the ‘third world’ category) are used less frequently than was once the case; but they, or similar categories, are distinguished

in Corruption in contemporary politics

3835 Understanding Chinese:Layout 1 12/7/12 11:05 Page 124 5 The national question in Chinese politics The exact shape and size of a state is the result of many factors ranging from royal inter-marriage to conquest. In many parts of the globe straight-line borders suggest arbitrary imperialist deals and pragmatic compromises. Nevertheless, once the lines are drawn, they are hard to change. Each political system once established lays claim to the concept of sovereignty, i.e. supreme authority within a territory, which since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648

in Understanding Chinese politics
Abstract only

1 The end of politics Introduction At the end of the Cold War, American intellectuals proffered lofty proclamations about the strength of American ideals, represented most generally in the Western values of liberal democracy and capitalism. In addition to Fukuyama’s end of history thesis,1 there was Charles Krauthammer’s argument on behalf of the Unipolar Moment2 where he predicted a greater risk of war despite how, “The center of world power is the unchallenged superpower, the United States, attended by its Western allies.” This glamorization of American power

in How to save politics in a post-truth era

1 The quest for a regional political class When regionalisation meets political professionalisation: object of analysis and objectives of the study Those who fought for Catalan self-government and democracy against the Franco dictatorship didn’t do so with a view to a professional political career: indeed, it was a very risky business, threatening their lives and livelihoods. In the more than thirty years since Franco’s death, though, Jordi Pujol and Pasqual Maragall have not only continued to live for Catalan politics, they have also been living off their

in Towards a regional political class?