Abstract only
Lloyd George plus Midlands suffragettes

4 Parallel politics: Lloyd George plus Midlands suffragettes During summer 1909, the confrontation sharpened between the government’s determination to progress Lloyd George’s National Insurance scheme, and the suffragettes’ demand for women’s citizenship as the crucial political priority. It is tempting for historians to treat these two political narratives, Votes for Women and Lloyd George’s Finance Bill, as separate. But the two strands would intertwine. Indeed, during autumn, both narratives became locked into bitter, even violent, combat.1 Asquith’s Cabinet

in Vanishing for the vote
Abstract only

5 Sibling politics Priority of age demands some respect. If you refuse to pay it to those who are older than yourselves, how can you expect to receive it from those who are younger! . . . Nature has joined you by one common tie. Let, then, no mean or sordid Passion, destroy this domestic friendship. John Burton, Lectures on Female Education and Manners, 17931 After my . . . debts are duly paid . . . the Residue of my Estate may be left to those of my Family who have not had so plentiful a Provision as the rest of them have had. Therefore . . . I give and

in Siblinghood and social relations in Georgian England
Troublesome subjects

This book considers the shifting boundaries of royal space as the flexible arena in which petitioning took place. It begins with the creation of a myth of accessibility and 'ordinariness' around the monarchy of George III in the 1780s. Historiographical interest in the monarchy is limited in its conceptual scope. Most studies focus on the enduring popularity and survival of the Crown, either with reference to its mythologies and 'invented traditions' or to the institutional conservatism of plebeian English patriotism. Petitioning is seen as increasingly inclusive and popular, facilitated by a developing public sphere and the mass platform, and associated with collectivity rather than individuality. Petitions of right are often overlooked and little distinction is noted between petitions to Parliament and petitions to the Crown. Historiographical approaches to troublesome subjects like Margaret Nicholson commonly accommodate eighteenth-century agendas of unquestioning madness, or else deploy twentieth-century terminologies like 'terrorism'. Franklin L. Ford has charted the classical roots of 'legitimate' tyrannicide from the ancient Greeks to the Red Army Faction, but has difficulty in accommodating the apparent ineptitude of English would-be assassins like Nicholson. Frank Prochaska's detailed account of the role of the Crown in welfare provision conjures unbroken lines of charitable royal largesse from George III to Elizabeth II. The book contains apocryphal tales of kindness to the poor from one monarch or another and is generally disapproving of contemporary radical critiques of royal idleness and narcissism.

Abstract only

Women in politics 2 Women and politics ‘In the storm of Revolution with one blow full citizen rights have fallen into our lap’, wrote Marie Stritt, leader of the Imperial Union for Female Suffrage, in November 1918.1 Female suffrage, the right of women aged twenty and over to vote and to be elected onto all legislative bodies, was an act of revolution enshrined in a proclamation of the Council of People’s Delegates of 12 November 1918.2 Barely ten years after all German women had been granted freedom of association they had gained political equality with men

in Women in the Weimar Republic

Chap 1 19/8/02 11:41 am Page 1 1 The parameters of politics Britain has never had a written constitution. The closest approximation was the Revolution Settlement of William III’s reign, as embodied especially in the 1689 Bill of Rights and the 1701 Act of Settlement. But the provisions were essentially negative, stipulating what the monarch could not do. The sovereign could not override the law of the land, and, in practice, for financial and other reasons, could not govern without an annual meeting of Parliament. By ‘the Revolution’, as it was denoted in

in George III

4 Voting and political engagement Introduction The 2007 general election was the first opportunity for Irish prisoners to cast their ballots. This chapter examines their political engagement and voting behaviour. The first part briefly sketches some key characteristics of the Irish penal landscape, gives a description of the three institutions where prisoners were surveyed and then sets out the research process. Using data collected in these institutions, the second part outlines the results of the first survey of its kind among prisoners. It examines voting

in Citizen convicts

From commune to signoria , from independence to subjection The Italian communes of the thirteenth century have been celebrated for their recreation of the institutions and methods of ancient democracy. Political participation was widened beyond the families of a narrow élite. Appointment to executive boards and committees was based

in The towns of Italy in the later Middle Ages
The 1916 rebellion in the Kazakh steppe in long-term perspective (c. 1840–1930)

11 Making political rebellion “primitive”: the 1916 rebellion in the Kazakh steppe in long-​term perspective (c. 1840–​1930) Xavier Hallez and Isabelle Ohayon Introduction Since the 1920s an extensive historiographical corpus (syntheses, testimonies from participants, anthologies) has been published on the 1916 rebellion in the Kazakh steppe.1 Even though many studies dealt with local events, the revolt was primarily examined within a larger historical context through three frames of reference: the other revolts that took place in 1916 across Russian Central

in The Central Asian Revolt of 1916

Chapter 4 . Religion, politics, and conscience I n the last chapter we saw how Lilburne’s writings created a new conception of citizenship, in the form of the ‘free-born Englishman’. Lilburne’s writings appealed powerfully to individual readers to consider themselves as free-born Englishmen and to act as such: to stand up for their franchises, liberties, immunities, and privileges as Englishmen, and if necessary to suffer for them as Lilburne himself did. This nexus of ideas was developed through Lilburne’s dense, iterative, passionate series of self

in The Levellers

3 Labour politics in London The “Woolwich Pioneer” comes to utter the voice of the Labour Movement of Woolwich. To fulfill its end it must not be the utterance of a single editor, or of a group of journalists, earning their living by expressing their own thoughts or exploiting their own personality. It must be the voice of all in Woolwich who work, all who hope, all who care for the ideals which have given birth to labour movement after movement in the past and the Labour Representation movement of to-day. (Woolwich Pioneer, 1904)1 Socialist Woolwich This is

in Making socialists