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Transforming indirect rule

empire shaped by responses like Disraeli's. Now anxious to demonstrate his successful translation of these concepts into the Nigerian state, he set himself two tasks: revising his Political Memoranda for publication; and setting down on paper his ideas about colonial government. As Governor, he had been a constant writer. Margery Perham suggested that Lugard was fundamentally a ‘man of the desk’, for whom ‘pen and paper had been at least as important a part of his equipment as compass, tent, and gun’. 2 And he continued this mania for writing in Surrey. The

in Governing natives

Hunter, was descended from Lowland Covenanters (a strangely contradictory inheritance in religious and political terms, but that may have been the point). 34 Missionary Travels also contains many references to and comparisons with Scotland and Scots. In his Last Journals , edited by Horace Waller, Livingstone writes that tattoos are like Highland tartans – in other words

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century

British suppression of the transatlantic slave trade rested on the threat of violent force. However, the use and exertion of naval power was shaped or constrained by political calculation. In considering the national and international politics of the maritime campaign, this chapter seeks to understand how the two interacted and, in particular

in The suppression of the Atlantic slave trade
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The birth and growth of independent labour politics, in the form of the ALP and the BLP , constituted the most significant development in the political history of labour movements in Australia and Britain between the late nineteenth century and the period of World War One. The turn to independent labour politics in these two countries, moreover, was part of an international phenomenon whereby labour movements, albeit unevenly, moved away from reliance upon mainstream ‘capitalist’ parties to seek

in Labour and the politics of Empire
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, in both Australia and Britain, from the successes and failures with which it addressed four broad sets of issues during the period under review. As we will see below, these comprise not only ‘traditional’ material and ‘revisionist’ gender and political factors, but also race, nation, empire and commonwealth. The thesis presented is that while a sufficient explanation of Labour’s mixed fortunes must embrace this whole range of issues, explanatory priority should be attached to a combination of the following: trends in

in Labour and the politics of Empire

Traditionalists and revisionists As well documented by traditionalists and revisionists alike, a combination of domestic ‘bread-and-butter’ socio-economic, political and cultural factors played a very important role in persuading sections of Australian and British labour to jettison their ‘traditional’ political allegiances in favour of the adoption of independent labour politics. 1 The main purpose of this section is to provide the reader with a summary of these well-known factors

in Labour and the politics of Empire

South Wales from 1976 to 1988, and regained Queensland (albeit after being in the political wilderness from the Split onwards) and Tasmania in 1989. From the mid 1990s to the end of the decade Labor suffered defeats in most of the states, although it recaptured its former hegemony in New South Wales. The ALP , however, has dominated state governments during the first decade of the new millennium. On balance, the party has fared much better at the federal and state levels from the 1980s to the present than it did between

in Labour and the politics of Empire
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The interwar years constituted a chastening experience for the ALP . The party’s pre-war ascendancy was overturned by the Nationalists in 1917 and, with the exception of Scullin’s 1929–31 Labor administration, the Right, in the form of the Nationalists and their successors, the Nationalist-Country Party coalition and the United Australia Party (the latter including Labor ‘rats’), ruled the federal political roost up to 1941. Although Labor’s performance at the state level was better, it failed to match

in Labour and the politics of Empire

class at particular electoral points in time over the past century. Third, to evaluate the individual and combined influences of these factors and others upon the nature and outcomes of elections. It should also be observed that my study of elections is qualitative rather than quantitative in character. As such, and while I pay due attention to voting patterns, I concentrate far more upon the languages, representations and analyses of electoral politics offered by more culturally inclined contemporary and historical

in Labour and the politics of Empire

The international and national contexts In order to chart and understand Labour and anti-Labour politics in these years we must first of all outline the international and national economic, political, social and cultural contexts in which they arose and which exerted a strong influence upon the political choices made. The international economic crisis of the later 1960s and 1970s constitutes the key point of departure. As Robert Brenner has shown, between 1965 and 1973 the mid

in Labour and the politics of Empire