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Michael D. Leigh

an unhealthy place for European missionaries. Office politics caused difficulties too, and personnel problems cropped up with increasing regularity as more missionaries arrived. Winston was beside himself in 1897 when the Missionary Committee issued nambypamby new guidelines for the selection of missionaries. Winston had one trusty selection criterion. He looked for ‘a strong man in every sense’. 61 It seemed to him that the Committee just wanted men ‘fond of sitting quiet’. Winston felt particularly sore because

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

April 1944. Acheson did not reply in case it fell into Japanese hands. U Po Wine was leader of the Kalemyo Methodists. 12 SOAS/MMS/Correspondence/FBN4/W. Brown-Moffett (BCMS), 19 December 1944; Chemi, a Lushai girl, translated for him. She was educated at Mandalay Girls High School, had trained as a nurse in Moulmein and became prominent in the post-war Church. 13 Dorothy Hess Guyot, ‘The Political Impact of the Japanese Occupation of Burma’, unpublished PhD

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Michael D. Leigh

Calling to Mind , H.E.W. Braund’s history of Steel Brothers (Oxford, Pergamon, 1975), but Kennedy is mentioned in various private papers. 50 SOAS/MMS/Uncatalogued/MRP/6D/26/Firth Papers: Letter from Firth, June 1942. 51 The evacuation had profound political repercussions. It caused abrasions within the civil administration and rifts between the civil and military authorities. Useful analyses of the episode are provided by Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
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Politics and society in Northern Ireland over half a century

After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.

The Radcliffe award
Lucy P. Chester

desires and goals, or that the division’s failings were due to South Asian squabbling. When it came down to it, partition was (from the British perspective) a means of avoiding British responsibility while shedding the economic burden that India had become. This fact is not surprising – it simply reflects political realities – but it does not jibe with imperialist propaganda about empire’s benefits for

in Borders and conflict in South Asia
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Politics of movement

This book brings together a number of contributions that look into the political regulation of movement and analyses that engage the material enablers of and constraints on such movement. It attempts to bridge theoretical perspectives from critical security studies and political geography in order to provide a more comprehensive perspective on security and mobility. In this vein, the book brings together approaches to mobility that take into account both techniques and practices of regulating movement, as well as their underlying infrastructures. Together the contributions inquire into a politics of movement that lies at the core of the production of security. Drawing on the insight that security is a contingent concept that hinges on the social construction of threat – which in turn must be understood through its political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions – the contributors offer fine-grained perspectives on a presumably mobile and insecure world. The title of the book, Security/Mobility, is a direct reference to this world that at times appears dominated by these two paradigms. As is shown throughout the book, rather than being opposed to each other, a great deal of political effort is undertaken in order to reconcile the need for security and the necessity of mobility. Running through the book is the view that security and mobility are entangled in a constant dynamic – a dynamic that converges in what is conceptualised here as a politics of movement.

A model for export?
Author: Robin Wilson

Northern Ireland is no longer the relentless headline-maker in the global media it once was, when multiple killings and bombings provided a daily diet of depressing news and images. This book commences with a review of the literature on essentialism and then in the three domains: what has come to be known as 'identity politics'; the nature of nationalism; and power-sharing models for divided societies. It draws out implications for key aspects of the Northern Ireland problem. The book is based on secondary sources on Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H). A key resource is the independent journalistic network in the Balkans responsible for the production of Balkan Insight, successor to the Balkan Crisis Report, a regular e-mail newsletter. The book explores how policy-makers in London and Dublin, unenlightened by the benefit of hindsight, grappled with the unfamiliar crisis that exploded in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. It shows that a taken-for-granted communalism has had very negative effects on societies recently driven by ethnic conflict. The book argues that conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland can only be adequately understood within a broader and more complex philosophical frame, freed of the appealing simplifications of essentialism. More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. Unionism and nationalism may be antagonistic but as individual affiliations 'Britishness' and 'Irishness', still less Protestantism and Catholicism, need not be antagonistic.

Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Alessandro Ferrara

reference to the interconnected notions of the “opacity” of law’s purpose, of lawmaking as proceeding from power, and of power itself. Finally, I  will focus on the pars construens of Menke’s essay –​namely, his reformulation of Benjamin’s notion of “Entsetzung des Rechts” as a liberation or “relief ” of the law that consists in its reflectively accepting its own “other” within itself without juridifying it  –​and will comment on its relation to the fundamentals of political liberalism. 113 Deconstructing the deconstruction of the law 113 1.  The “paradox” of the

in Law and violence
Andreas Fischer- Lescano

differentiated legal form that, as such, does violence to its social environment. Where the modern philosophy of law followed Kant in 169 Postmodern legal theory as critical theory 169 seeking to bring social and political violence under control by installing politics and the polity as an “applied branch of law,”8 the postmodern theory of law discerns that element which the Kantian legal tradition wished to pacify by all legal means at the very center of the law: the positing of law is a “violence without ground.”9 Violence, as Christoph Menke puts it, “is not only part of

in Law and violence
discourse, argumentation and ritual
Lee Jarvis and Tim Legrand

The preceding chapters highlighted the longevity and reach of contemporary proscription regimes, as well as the surprising lack of concerted scholarly reflection on the place of these powers in relation to the modern state, and indeed liberal democracy. As we saw, the UK’s own history of proscription is one that we can trace back to the earliest days of the criminal code, although the mechanism is no less significant an expression of political authority today. We argued, therefore, that proscription is reflective of embedded structures of power and authority

in Banning them, securing us?