organisation exerts very limited inﬂuence on the
German policy making process.31 Occasionally, a few top bureaucrats from the
Ministry of Defence play a role in shaping thinking and policy. But the post-war
Germanpolitical culture does not tolerate any overt attempt by military personnel to inﬂuence political decisions and the ‘primacy of politics’ is generally
respected within the armed forces.32 The post-war institutional civil–military
relationship was constructed in a deliberate attempt to limit the potential of the
military to inﬂuence politics. Military leaders report
. 614. The Nazis
introduced pre-marital health certificates in 1935.
33 Usborne, The Politics of the Body, pp. 142–3; K. von Soden, Die
Sexualberatungsstellen der Weimarer Republik, 1919–1933 (Berlin:
Druckhaus Hentrich Verlag, 1988), p. 25.
34 Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen, pp. 68–70; Weindling, Health,
Race and GermanPolitics, pp. 424–6 details marriage guidance clinics
35 Grossmann, Reforming Sex, p. 10. The clinics in Berlin did give contraceptive advice if medical or eugenic reasons called for it, and Usborne
notes that by the early 1930s
Intercultural exchanges and the redefinition of identity in Hugo Hamilton’s Disguise and Hand in the Fire
Carmen Zamorano Llena
fighting on the Russian front at the
end of the Second World War, is made to promise that she will never tell anybody about the replacement of her dead son, not even her husband, a promise
that she maintains against all odds. Gregor’s chance discovery of this event in his
young adulthood makes him question his sense of identity, as it had been given
to him, and forces him to reconstruct it on half-suspected truths.
The Germanpolitical philosopher Jürgen Habermas argues that individual
identity and collective identity cannot be equated, but that they exist in a
politics because they are dissatisfied; rather, they participate. This finding
is not specific to the UK: a similar tendency can be detected in France,
where the figure is –.09. In Germanypolitical dissatisfaction is even
more strongly associated with political protest (–.11), perhaps because
the survey was carried out in the years of the conservative Government
headed by Helmut Kohl, when the Green Party and other civic groups
saw no alternative but to engage in mass demonstrations against
nuclear energy (Dalton 2002, 50).
Excursus: apathetic young people?
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
of a broader undercurrent of intellectual
change in Germanpolitics and society, and suggests that German strategic culture is maturing in line with the Berlin Republic’s growing sense
of conﬁdence. Additionally, the ‘domestics’ of future German security
policy may remain fragile and complex, and as a result the role of the
Bundeswehr and its reform programme, not to mention the issue of
conscription, will continue to be highly contested and politicised issues.
In conclusion, it can be said that Germany’s strategic culture has not
changed in a fundamental sense
in British Columbia, but the same is not the case in
Germany, and still less in Switzerland, Austria and Iceland. In none of
the latter three countries have there been recall elections to date.
Chief Electoral Officer (2002) The Electoral History of British Columbia
1987–2001, Victoria, Elections BC, p. 69.
Lijphart Democracies, p. 200.
Werner Reutter (2005) ‘Berlin’s Republic: Parliamentary Government in a
German Land’, GermanPolitics, Vol. 14, No. 4, 438–54.
The recall of elected politicians85
Table 4.5: Recall provisions in democratic
crisis’, BBC News, 2 September, available at:
BBC (2012). ‘Draghi backs eurozone super-commissioner plan’, BBC News Business, 28
October, available at: www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-20116668.
Blair, T. (2004). Prime minister’s speech to Goldman Sachs on the economy, 22 March,
available at: www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page5555.asp (accessed 1 October
Braunthal, G. (2003). ‘The SPD, the welfare state, and Agenda 2010’, GermanPolitics
and Society, 21(4), 1–29.
Callinicos, A. (2012). ‘The second coming of the radical left
machinations of German imperial, commercial, and military elites; it also adds to our understanding of Germany as an internal and external context for, and exponent of, imperialism. This has been a focus of recent scholarly attention, and is not defined simply as the ‘Prussianisation’ of Germany; but rather that empire and imperialism was a necessary component of the ongoing unification and functioning of the German nation-state, not merely an extension of it (and nor, indeed, was it only a policy pursued by reactionary or opportunist sectors in Germanpolitics and society
Cultures and geographies of imperialism in Germany, 1848–1918
were the desirability of overseas
settlement colonies as a destination where the manpower of German
emigrants could be retained for the benefit of the nation; the perceived
necessity of colonial possessions as a means to secure the interests of
German overseas commerce; the agitation for a German navy as a symbol of
national unity and for advocating Germanpolitical and commercial
thus not unreasonable to regard all the members of
Plebeians ’ fictional Berliner Ensemble as figures
comparable to Grass, who worked for Willy Brandt’s West German
Social Democratic Party and commented actively on Germanpolitics.
Viewing the play in this light, Grass appears to be negotiating with the
past not simply to criticize Brecht’s personal artistic judgement
nor to single out the