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Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

organisation exerts very limited influence on the German policy making process.31 Occasionally, a few top bureaucrats from the Ministry of Defence play a role in shaping thinking and policy. But the post-war German political culture does not tolerate any overt attempt by military personnel to influence political decisions and the ‘primacy of politics’ is generally respected within the armed forces.32 The post-war institutional civil–military relationship was constructed in a deliberate attempt to limit the potential of the military to influence politics. Military leaders report

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement

. 614. The Nazis introduced pre-­marital health certificates in 1935. 33 Usborne, The Politics of the Body, pp. 142–3; K. von Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen der Weimarer Republik, 1919–1933 (Berlin: Druckhaus Hentrich Verlag, 1988), p. 25. 34 Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen, pp. 68–70; Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics, pp. 424–6 details marriage guidance clinics elsewhere. 35 Grossmann, Reforming Sex, p. 10. The clinics in Berlin did give contraceptive advice if medical or eugenic reasons called for it, and Usborne notes that by the early 1930s

in Women in the Weimar Republic
Intercultural exchanges and the redefinition of identity in Hugo Hamilton’s Disguise and Hand in the Fire

fighting on the Russian front at the end of the Second World War, is made to promise that she will never tell anybody about the replacement of her dead son, not even her husband, a promise that she maintains against all odds. Gregor’s chance discovery of this event in his young adulthood makes him question his sense of identity, as it had been given to him, and forces him to reconstruct it on half-suspected truths. The German political philosopher Jürgen Habermas argues that individual identity and collective identity cannot be equated, but that they exist in a

in Literary visions of multicultural Ireland

politics because they are dissatisfied; rather, they participate. This finding is not specific to the UK: a similar tendency can be detected in France, where the figure is –.09. In Germany political dissatisfaction is even more strongly associated with political protest (–.11), perhaps because the survey was carried out in the years of the conservative Government headed by Helmut Kohl, when the Green Party and other civic groups saw no alternative but to engage in mass demonstrations against nuclear energy (Dalton 2002, 50). Excursus: apathetic young people? Politics I

in The politics of participation
Open Access (free)
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture

of a broader undercurrent of intellectual change in German politics and society, and suggests that German strategic culture is maturing in line with the Berlin Republic’s growing sense of confidence. Additionally, the ‘domestics’ of future German security policy may remain fragile and complex, and as a result the role of the Bundeswehr and its reform programme, not to mention the issue of conscription, will continue to be highly contested and politicised issues. In conclusion, it can be said that Germany’s strategic culture has not changed in a fundamental sense

in Germany and the use of force

in British Columbia, but the same is not the case in Germany, and still less in Switzerland, Austria and Iceland. In none of the latter three countries have there been recall elections to date. Chief Electoral Officer (2002) The Electoral History of British Columbia 1987–2001, Victoria, Elections BC, p. 69. 21 Lijphart Democracies, p. 200. 22 Werner Reutter (2005) ‘Berlin’s Republic: Parliamentary Government in a German Land’, German Politics, Vol. 14, No. 4, 438–54. 20 The recall of elected politicians85 Table 4.5:  Recall provisions in democratic

in Direct democracy
Abstract only
Death by a thousand cuts?

crisis’, BBC News, 2 September, available at: BBC (2012). ‘Draghi backs eurozone super-commissioner plan’, BBC News Business, 28 October, available at: Blair, T. (2004). Prime minister’s speech to Goldman Sachs on the economy, 22 March, available at: (accessed 1 October 2007). Braunthal, G. (2003). ‘The SPD, the welfare state, and Agenda 2010’, German Politics and Society, 21(4), 1–29. Callinicos, A. (2012). ‘The second coming of the radical left

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis

machinations of German imperial, commercial, and military elites; it also adds to our understanding of Germany as an internal and external context for, and exponent of, imperialism. This has been a focus of recent scholarly attention, and is not defined simply as the ‘Prussianisation’ of Germany; but rather that empire and imperialism was a necessary component of the ongoing unification and functioning of the German nation-state, not merely an extension of it (and nor, indeed, was it only a policy pursued by reactionary or opportunist sectors in German politics and society

in Comic empires
Cultures and geographies of imperialism in Germany, 1848–1918

were the desirability of overseas settlement colonies as a destination where the manpower of German emigrants could be retained for the benefit of the nation; the perceived necessity of colonial possessions as a means to secure the interests of German overseas commerce; the agitation for a German navy as a symbol of national unity and for advocating German political and commercial interests overseas

in European empires and the people

thus not unreasonable to regard all the members of Plebeians ’ fictional Berliner Ensemble as figures comparable to Grass, who worked for Willy Brandt’s West German Social Democratic Party and commented actively on German politics. Viewing the play in this light, Grass appears to be negotiating with the past not simply to criticize Brecht’s personal artistic judgement nor to single out the

in Coriolanus