Discourse from Braudel to Chartier, Johns Hopkins University Press, Maryland
MD, 1992; JacquesRancière, The Names of History. On the Poetics of Knowledge,
University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis MN, 1994; Philippe Carrard, ‘History as
a kind of writing. Michael de Certeau and the poetics of historiography’, South Atlantic
Quarterly, 100:2 (2001), pp. 465–483. For history as a genre of writing, see Devoney
Looser, British Women Writers and the Writing of History, 1670–1820, Johns Hopkins
University Press, Baltimore MD, 2000; Anders Ingram, Writing the Ottomans. Turkish
words, melodrama can become an effective counter-discourse
when it focuses on that part of the population of a democracy that
philosopher JacquesRancière calls the demos – those who have neither
political voice nor representation. Although short of constituting what
Rancière (2010) calls a dissensus, that is, a direct political action of the
demos against the consensus, melodrama cannot simply be neutralized as mere culture industry opiate.
54 jean epstein
Epstein was very well aware of the broad spectrum of the
One Plus One, see Kevin J. Hayes’s ‘The
Book Motif in One Plus One’, Studies in French Cinema, 4.3 (2004),
29 JacquesRancière, Film Fables, trans. Emiliano Battista (Oxford:
Berg, 2006), p. 144.
One plus one (p.m.)139
30 See Slavoj Žižek, ‘Mao Zedong: The Marxist Lord of Misrule’,
in On Practice and Contradiction, Mao-Tse-Tung (London: Verso,
2007), pp. 1–28.
31 Jean-Didier Urbain, At the Beach, trans. Catherine Porter
(Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), p. 205.
32 1 P.M. (One Parallel Movie) (Pennebaker, 1972, 16 mm, 95 min
transforms the story of the long journey through France’s hinterland into a
metaphor of ‘solidarity and connectedness across gender, class, race and sex
divides’ and a paradigm for political intervention (p. 118). Undermining the
stereotypical association banlieue–immigration–lawlessness and the French
State’s systemic discrimination against immigrants from former colonies
based on national amnesia, La Marche is a ‘heterogeneous text that weaves a
new relationship between present and past’ and transforms France’s national
historiography (p. 123). Using JacquesRancière’s
continentalists do not crudely advocate radical contingency,
anarchy, insubordination, contestation, rupture or some
such aim simply in the place of identity, rule or stability
(Markell, 2006: 2). On the contrary, because those such as
Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Sheldon Wolin, Michael
Hardt and Antonio Negri, and JacquesRancière do all
concede that ‘some sort of rule is unavoidable’, as Markell
puts it, their theories are in fact troubled, even while they
are enriched, by the paradox that ‘democracy’ means both
the ideal of popular rule in which ‘the people’ (‘we’) rule
It has also shown how in a very direct sense, images are personal. The way
I ‘receive’ images is not only a story about the image but also about me. No
image is received abstractly; cognitively it is viewed and categorised by each
viewer. The work done in the conjoined acts of viewing and categorising is
profoundly emotional and it requires us to explore further the kinds of emotional dynamics that often emerge in the representation of suffering.
Images and emotions
The speaking image
JacquesRanciere (2009: 33) defines the image as both a representation and
exclude them from the political and physical spaces of the city.
In chapter 5, I turn to the activism and politics of anarchist homeless
activists in resisting the cities’ attempts to exclude the homeless. I turn to
two important political theorists to make sense of the resistance of Food
Not Bombs: JacquesRancière and Eduard Glissant. Rancière’s short piece
“Ten theses on politics” provides a powerful understanding of the way that
disruptive actions and resistance expand political space, while Glissant’s
idea of right to opacity examines the complex relationship of
). I will here employ JacquesRancière’s term for this emergent
socio-cultural configuration already referred to in the Introduction, above: the ‘aesthetic regime of art’ (see Rancière 2013). Emphasising the transition from the previous ‘representative regime’ to this emerging ‘aesthetic regime’ of art in the nineteenth
century, Rancière challenges narratives that foreground the modernist break around
1900. For him, the latter was no more than the fine tuning of the new aesthetic dispositif.3 I suggest that the advent of the director and, even more so, of Regie as a
Migration: Patterns, Processes, and Politics (London: Routledge).
May, T. (2010) Contemporary Political Movements and the Thought of JacquesRancière: Equality in Action (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press).
Nyers, P. (2010) ‘No One Is Illegal between city and nation’, Studies in Social Justice , 4:2, 127–143.
Papadopoulos, D., and V. S. Tsianos (2013) ‘After citizenship: autonomy of migration, organisational ontology and mobile commons’, Citizenship Studies , 17:2, 178
Migrants’ squats as antithetical spaces in Athens’s City Plaza
, J. (2017) ‘Democracy, equality, emancipation in a changing world’, address given at B-FEST (International Anti-authoritarian Festival of Babylonia Journal), 27 May, www.babylonia.gr/2017/06/11/jacques-ranciere-democracy-equality-emancipation-changing-world/ (accessed 5 December 2018).
Rossi, U., and A. Vanolo (2012) Urban Political Geographies: A Global Perspective (London: Sage).
Tazzioli, M. (2017) ‘Containment through mobility: migrants’ spatial disobediences and the reshaping of control through the