Two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48
Elliot Vernon

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 7 ‘They agree not in opinion among themselves’: two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48 Elliot Vernon1 I n 1659 Richard Baxter identified four parties to the previous decades’ dispute over church government: ‘the Episcopall, Presbyterians, Congregationall, [and] Erastian’.2 Despite its ubiquity in historical writing, the last of Baxter’s parties, the ‘Erastian’, was a recent neologism. Prior to the civil wars, English writers had

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
The importance of the covenant in Scottish presbyterianism, 1560–c. 1700
R. Scott Spurlock

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 5 Polity, discipline and theology: the importance of the covenant in Scottish presbyterianism, 1560–c. 1700 R. Scott Spurlock W hilst some of the chapters in this volume focus on conceptions of church government and the use of the keys, the present chapter will discuss early modern Scottish presbyterian understandings of ecclesiology and who was understood to be the subject of the keys. A number of recent studies have demonstrated the fluidity of polity in seventeenth-century Britain, which is

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
The congregationalist divines and the establishment of church and magistrate in Cromwellian England
Hunter Powell

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 11 ‘Promote, protect, prosecute’: the congregationalist divines and the establishment of church and magistrate in Cromwellian England Hunter Powell 1 I t might be said that England’s attempt at a reformation of the national church in the 1640s failed because it was a British experiment. Forced by the need for a Scottish military alliance, it was derailed by clashing notions of the relationship between church and state within the divergent British traditions of church polity. By contrast, the effort to

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
To what extent was Richard Baxter a congregationalist?
Tim Cooper

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 10 Polity and peacemaking: to what extent was Richard Baxter a congregationalist? Tim Cooper O n 17 July 1658 Edward Burton wrote a penitent letter to Richard Baxter in which he regretted ever allowing himself to believe, as he recently had, that Baxter’s church at Kidderminster was one of those ‘Congregated Churches in the Independent way’.1 In his reply, written a few days later, Baxter testily pointed out the absurdity of Burton’s error by listing six distinctive markers of ‘the Separatists and

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Brian Sudlow

-relativism? And if not, on what grounds can we situate it? The response to these questions lies in the kind of gathering or community which the Church represents to the French and English Catholic writers, and in how they reacted to, and portrayed, its organisation and internal life. Here we can once more refer to Charles Taylor’s analysis of secularisation in which the model of the buffered individual poses two problems for religion when it is considered corporately. The first is that the buffered individual’s mind-centred view of reality tends to

in Catholic literature and secularisation in France and England, 1880–1914
C. E. Beneš

name of Peter Leone, whom they called Anacletus; to this Anacletus the Roman people also devoted its favour and assistance. 7 This Anacletus pillaged the entire treasury of the church and distributed it to his supporters, and on account of his influence the aforesaid Innocent was unable to stay in the City, so he was rowed in Genoese galleys to Genoa in the year of the Lord 1130. Now, this Pope Innocent had

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
John Privilege

Wicklow, Redmond told Irish Nationalists that they should take care that Irish valour proved itself on the fields of battle – ‘not only in Ireland itself, but wherever the firing line extends, in defence of right, of freedom and religion in this war’.5 Throughout Ireland, nationalist fervour mingled with anger at the tactics employed by the Germans. Patriotism and moral outrage combined 98 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland to produce not only justification for the war but a moral obligation to enlist.6 In 1914, for example, Tom Kettle, former MP for East

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
John Privilege

the Vatican with a telegram stating only: ‘Insurrection happily terminated. Insurgents have surrendered unconditionally. Hope peace soon re-established.’1 That left the bishops free to grapple with events in Ireland on their own. paralysed.2 It was impossible, for example, to organise a relief effort for those left destitute by the shelling in Dublin for fear of ‘incurring an imputation of favouring, in any way, the authors of the unfortunate attempt’. In the end 114 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland nothing was done. The bishops confined themselves

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only
John Privilege

, sent a representative and urged the Irish bishops to do the same.8 Logue informed Michael Kelly, Rector of the Irish College, that the jubilee was not so much a personal homage to the Queen as it was a celebration of the prosperity which England had enjoyed during the past sixty years. ‘As you well know’, he said, ‘Ireland has had no share in this progress 194 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland and prosperity’. To send a representative from the clergy, he went on, would be viewed as a declaration that the Irish remained content under English rule.9

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only
John Privilege

mumbled by the smug Protestantism of English Liberals; but bid your followers to arise and maintain the discipline of the Catholic Church’.5 When Parnell was named in the O’Shea divorce case, however, there was a marked reluctance on the part of the bishops to side against him. Although the divorce case began at the end of 1889, Parnell was not named until 1890. Tim Healy, MP for North Louth, recalled in his memoirs his wonder at the spirit of incredulity maintained by the bishops about something that was almost common knowledge.6 Indeed, L. P. Curtis has suggested that

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925