tradition leave very few options for minorities (Koopmans et
al., 2005).10 Therefore, issues such as marginalization, unemployment or police
harassment, which might be articulated as civil issues in other circumstances, are
instead disguised as identity issues.
Confusingly, the battle for citizenship of a nation-state becomes a competition for the definition of Islam and Muslims – who defines them and how; what
options are available to dissenting voices within the community; how does this
newly defined religion accommodate the needs of younger generations, women
Competition also came from the Ethical societies, freethinking organisations
brought to the UK by Stanton Coit in 1888 which remained unaffiliated to
existing Secularist organisations. Instead, they worked closely with the Labour
churches and Positivist societies, tapping into a less aggressive, less overtly
anti-Christian freethinking identity 55 .
A range of freethinking views were, by this period, becoming more acceptable to
that the support was unanimous. A small
group opposed this strand and insisted on a Muslim Pakistani identity.
This strand of thought was represented by a handful of supporters of the
Muslim League. Thus the divide, referred to as a secular–religious divide
in the public discourse, was part of the community from the outset.
In the 1990s this divide gained prominence due, among other reasons,
to the generation gap and ‘the competition for resources’.40 This is where
the second level of Bangladeshi politics played its part in the construction
of the new identity for
by others; churches lost property to rival
federations or made gains, in a world of keen ecclesiastical and dynastic
Wealth and power attracted ambitious superiors, royal and aristocratic ecclesiastical lineages took root in the church, and with them
ambition, worldly and ecclesiastical, that led to conflict and violence
in and between churches. For example, in the late seventh century, the
ecclesiastical lineage, Uí Meic Brócc, a branch (at least in their own
view) of the paramount Munster dynasty, the Éoganacht, established
themselves as rulers of
contemplated. In nearby
Carlow, Bishop Delaney of Kildare and Leighlin took things further still. Under
his supervision, the construction of a college in Carlow was underway in 1785
and, the law notwithstanding, the institution was envisaged as a seminary from
the beginning.105 Three years later Delaney explained to Troy, by then archbishop
of Dublin, that he could not spare funds for Paris due to his building commitments in Carlow. Perhaps for the first time, domestic educational establishments
were now in direct competition with the overseas collegial network.
This was not
, 2008), pp. 227–44.
ENGLISH WOMEN RELIGIOUS IN COUNTER-REFORMATION 217
52 Questier, Caroline Court, p. 299. When Tredway and Carre were working on the foundation of
the Paris Augustinian convent and determining to ensure its close links with the secular clergy,
members of the latter wrote approvingly of the scheme, not least because it might halt plans
to found one under Jesuit control. Nevertheless, John Southcote of the English chapter did
voice a small note of caution about potential competition between
with connections to the
IRA held on to their guns with a view to self-
Michael O’Flanagan’s biographer has mentioned that O’Flanagan
carried a gun in October 1920, and Jesuit Father William Hackett
wrote that he kept a rifle in the chimney of his room in Crescent
College, Limerick.84 Father Gaynor also admitted to having had
80 Irish Independent, 7 September 1920. For local competition between the
crown forces and the IRA to impound arms in private possession, see
Townshend, Campaign, p. 62.
81 Irish Independent, 23 September 1920.
82 TNA, WO35
polemical tracts and pamphlets were
anti-Catholic; some were anti-Puritan. It needs revision because
some of the publications, notably those of Puritans, were deliberately dual-edged, ostensibly anti-Catholic, but also directed at what
was considered the quasi-Catholicism of the Stuart kings. This great
polemical effort to delegitimize religious opponents was not unique
to England, but formed a central part of the religious competition
between Protestants, Catholics and dissident thinkers across
With this scenario in mind, the term anticlericalism has a much
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
for this is that while the formal foundations of a democratic system – free and fair elections, inter-partisan competition, periodic governmental rotation, etc. – are maintained, other essential components of the democratic epitome, such as the protection of fundamental rights, including the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of religious expression, are all, to varying extents, flawed.
Like Yoav Peled, Uri Ben-Eliezer and Yael Yishai, I too find the construct of the ‘non-liberal democracy’ to be the terminological frame
domain of law enforcement (the state), of primordial ties (the family) and of competition, where the aim is to maximise profits (the marketplace). If so, what then is ‘civil society’? Yishai’s definition proposes that ‘civil society’ consists of those activities occasioned within an organisational context, whether established or transient, but which do not fall within the context of the private domain. A necessary (albeit insufficient) condition for the existence of the ‘civil society’ is that its groups are voluntary and based on civilian readiness to contribute