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Islam and the contestation of citizenship

tradition leave very few options for minorities (Koopmans et al., 2005).10 Therefore, issues such as marginalization, unemployment or police harassment, which might be articulated as civil issues in other circumstances, are instead disguised as identity issues. Confusingly, the battle for citizenship of a nation-state becomes a competition for the definition of Islam and Muslims – who defines them and how; what options are available to dissenting voices within the community; how does this newly defined religion accommodate the needs of younger generations, women and its

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Abstract only

opposed). Competition also came from the Ethical societies, freethinking organisations brought to the UK by Stanton Coit in 1888 which remained unaffiliated to existing Secularist organisations. Instead, they worked closely with the Labour churches and Positivist societies, tapping into a less aggressive, less overtly anti-Christian freethinking identity 55 . A range of freethinking views were, by this period, becoming more acceptable to

in Infidel feminism
The internal factors

that the support was unanimous. A small group opposed this strand and insisted on a Muslim Pakistani identity. This strand of thought was represented by a handful of supporters of the Muslim League. Thus the divide, referred to as a secular–religious divide in the public discourse, was part of the community from the outset. In the 1990s this divide gained prominence due, among other reasons, to the generation gap and ‘the competition for resources’.40 This is where the second level of Bangladeshi politics played its part in the construction of the new identity for

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Myth or reality?

by others; churches lost property to rival federations or made gains, in a world of keen ecclesiastical and dynastic competition. Wealth and power attracted ambitious superiors, royal and aristocratic ecclesiastical lineages took root in the church, and with them ambition, worldly and ecclesiastical, that led to conflict and violence in and between churches. For example, in the late seventh century, the ecclesiastical lineage, Uí Meic Brócc, a branch (at least in their own view) of the paramount Munster dynas­ty, the Éoganacht, established themselves as rulers of

in Irish Catholic identities

contemplated. In nearby Carlow, Bishop Delaney of Kildare and Leighlin took things further still. Under his supervision, the construction of a college in Carlow was underway in 1785 and, the law notwithstanding, the institution was envisaged as a seminary from the beginning.105 Three years later Delaney explained to Troy, by then archbishop of Dublin, that he could not spare funds for Paris due to his building commitments in Carlow. Perhaps for the first time, domestic educational establishments were now in direct competition with the overseas collegial network. This was not

in College communities abroad

, 2008), pp. 227–44. Chambers_O’Connor_Printer.indd 216 08/09/2017 09:53 ENGLISH WOMEN RELIGIOUS IN COUNTER-REFORMATION 217 52 Questier, Caroline Court, p. 299. When Tredway and Carre were working on the foundation of the Paris Augustinian convent and determining to ensure its close links with the secular clergy, members of the latter wrote approvingly of the scheme, not least because it might halt plans to found one under Jesuit control. Nevertheless, John Southcote of the English chapter did voice a small note of caution about potential competition between

in College communities abroad
Abstract only
Priests involved in the IRA campaign

with connections to the IRA held on to their guns with a view to self-­ defence. Father Michael O’Flanagan’s biographer has mentioned that O’Flanagan carried a gun in October 1920, and Jesuit Father William Hackett wrote that he kept a rifle in the chimney of his room in Crescent College, Limerick.84 Father Gaynor also admitted to having had 80 Irish Independent, 7 September 1920. For local competition between the crown forces and the IRA to impound arms in private possession, see Townshend, Campaign, p. 62. 81 Irish Independent, 23 September 1920. 82 TNA, WO35

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment

polemical tracts and pamphlets were anti-Catholic; some were anti-Puritan. It needs revision because some of the publications, notably those of Puritans, were deliberately dual-edged, ostensibly anti-Catholic, but also directed at what was considered the quasi-Catholicism of the Stuart kings. This great polemical effort to delegitimize religious opponents was not unique to England, but formed a central part of the religious competition between Protestants, Catholics and dissident thinkers across Europe. With this scenario in mind, the term anticlericalism has a much

in The Enlightenment and religion
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis

for this is that while the formal foundations of a democratic system – free and fair elections, inter-partisan competition, periodic governmental rotation, etc. – are maintained, other essential components of the democratic epitome, such as the protection of fundamental rights, including the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of religious expression, are all, to varying extents, flawed. Like Yoav Peled, Uri Ben-Eliezer and Yael Yishai, I too find the construct of the ‘non-liberal democracy’ to be the terminological frame

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence

domain of law enforcement (the state), of primordial ties (the family) and of competition, where the aim is to maximise profits (the marketplace). If so, what then is ‘civil society’? Yishai’s definition proposes that ‘civil society’ consists of those activities occasioned within an organisational context, whether established or transient, but which do not fall within the context of the private domain. A necessary (albeit insufficient) condition for the existence of the ‘civil society’ is that its groups are voluntary and based on civilian readiness to contribute

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence