highvalue-added manufacturing base (such as Germany and the Scandinavian
countries) are articulated with US-centred finance-led capital accumulation
through export-oriented growth strategies. Third Way politics has facilitated
‘competitive corporatism’ where wage increases remain below productivity
growth. These economies recovered rather well after the relative stabilisation of
the world economy after the London G-20 summit in 2009, largely because of
demand–pull from emerging markets. At the same time, they remain very vulnerable on the fortunes of export markets at a
merchants’ guilds, and they ascribe to it a
sense of solidarity or an ‘inner law of associations’ with
a disciplinary code and organisational sanctions such as blacklisting
and exclusion from membership. For the competitive dynamics of
today's world markets, such corporatism on a global scale seems
somewhat antiquated, to put it mildly. A third line of thought has
developed the adventurous construct of
Lee, ‘Corporatism’, 331.
Garvin, Preventing, 34.
Brian Girvin, ‘Church, State and the Moral Community’, in Brian Girvin and Gary
Murphy eds, The Lemass Era: Politics and Society in the Ireland of Seán Lemass (Dublin,
Alvin Jackson, Ireland 1798–1998: Politics and War (Oxford, 1999), 353.
Jackson, Ireland, 355–360.
See discussions on post-war planning in PRONI, CAB/4A/22.
MIOA, Christy Hennessy, b. 1932, Waterford City. Interviewed 8 April 2000, page 5.
For the broader application of this mentality, see John Coakley, ‘Society and
United States; but for the British Conservative Party it
must be counted as a very peculiar example of ‘statecraft’.
A more sensible course for a Conservative Party trying to win back power is
to criticise specific policies while expressing general confidence in the instruments of government. Reaffirmation of faith in the state suggests a return to
Butler’s approach rather than Macmillan’s brand of corporatism. Butler is also
of continuing relevance because of his belief that government should not restrict itself to material concerns. For Butler, as for Burke, ‘the
Governance in the World-system (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000).
11 Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism.
12. Ó Riain, The Rise and Fall of Ireland’s Celtic Tiger.
13 Jacob Holm, Edward Lorenz, Bengt-ke Lundvall and Antione Valeyre, ‘Organisational
Learning and Systems of Labor Market Regulation in Europe’, Industrial and Corporate
Change, 19:4 (2010), pp. 1141–73.
14 Ó Riain, The Rise and Fall of Ireland’s Celtic Tiger.
15 Aidan Regan, ‘The Political Economy of Social Pacts in the EMU: Irish Liberal Market
Corporatism in Crisis’, New
question of a thin ethical normativism not a thick political one, and where the jump to a coherent politics is made – as in, for example, the idea of a corporatism of the universal – this is done through the mediation of ethical considerations (the autonomy of the intellectual, in this instance) and not by direct recourse to political imperatives that are merely ‘deduced’ from the analyses themselves.
In short, modern cultural theory is not itself politics: which is only to say that it is better preparation – assuredly amongst a host of very different kinds of
Limiting human agency in the name of negative liberty
an historically operative political movement, however, liberalism has
restabilised itself through a series of strategic compromises rather than a
process of self-imposed reforms. Some of these compromises have been quite
clearly authoritarian, whilst others have been rather pragmatic and
populist, as illustrated by the examples of Keynesianism and corporatism. It
is clear that liberal dichotomies have not destabilised liberalism by giving
Regional Councils, on whom the
major organisational effort will rest.48
For those on the left, the most controversial aspect of these guidelines
was the encouragement by the TUC for centres to accept MSC funding.
Established in 1973, the MSC was an experiment in corporatism by
Edward Heath’s Conservative government. Corporatism, of course, in
the sense that the trade unions, private industry and the government join
forces as equal partners, and together they manage a project. And being
a test in corporatism, the MSC functioned as a tripartite public body
that republican institutions would be
destroyed in the coming ‘revolution’. This was consonant with its overall
spirit for – more so than the JUF – the JUNC had explicitly political goals,
which it developed in the UNC’s press. It endorsed the programmes of
and encouraged collaboration with the leagues. It was anti-communist,
supported corporatism and the organised profession, eulogised the virtuous French peasant, family life and pursued a conservative policy on
women. The JUNC became a virtual political wing of the UNC and was
in some ways more radical than its
‘social partner’, as some accounts of the Pillar might imply. Rather,
such groups work as policy entrepreneurs rooted implicitly in the demos. While
the merit of small organisations’ policy proposals and objectives may at times
be ignored or rejected by the elected government, or by more ensconced and
powerful interest groups, legitimacy crises and shifts in the demos can bring
about new windows of opportunity for them. The CVP, in the context of an
established system of tripartite corporatism, became a vehicle for a range of