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Helm, 1979), pp. 15– 32 (pp. 25–8.) 19 EK. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), pp. 142–4, 222; Vicinus, 1985, p. 72. 20 Prochaska, 1980, p. 30. 21 Maria Luddy, Women in Ireland, 1800–1918: A Documentary History (Cork: Cork University Press, 1995), p. 201. 116 Working identities of Catholic culture in nineteenth-century England. These developments were fuelled not only by the substantial numbers of women entering religious life but also by the increasing number of requests from bishops, clergy and lay

in Contested identities
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moved from a subordinate to a more assertive stance in its relationship with the Chief Rabbinate.29 I will examine the relationship between Hertz and the dayyanim, to assess this statement, and also the relationship between Abramsky’s ideology and that of the leaders (religious and lay) and members of the United Synagogue. Regarding relations between the traditional rabbinate and other Jewish denominations Endelman writes: ‘the polarisation of AngloJewish religious life took on both trivial and not so trivial forms. Orthodox rabbis refused to appear on platforms with

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
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The Neuendettelsau missionaries’ encounter with language and myth in New Guinea

structured around these two evangelical aims. The first half explores the origins and implications of the belief that one's mother tongue fundamentally structures one's religious life and that one should, therefore, know the Christian God only within one's local linguistic and cultural context. The second half highlights the competing belief (held equally strongly) that the function of New Guinean languages needed to change to accommodate the ‘abstract’ themes of

in Savage worlds
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Religion and spirituality in environmental direct action

overlaid by elements of European Paganism as the movement spread to Europe (Niman, 1997). Niman is concerned at the way that the Rainbows ‘have written themselves into Hopi prophecies’ (p. 134), considering this process as tantamount to ‘ethnocide’ (p. 146). By contrast, Taylor argues that this process is unexceptional in religious life: ‘some cross-cultural borrowing, reciprocal influencing and blending is an inevitable aspect of religious life – thus at least some of the hand-wringing over appropriation and syncretic processes is misplaced and over broad’ (1997: 206

in Changing anarchism
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E.A. Jones

Solitude, or at least some form of significant separation from the rest of society, carries symbolic power – often with religious connotations – in most, if not all, cultures. But the particular forms that solitariness and withdrawal take vary from culture to culture, and are sensitive to changes in place and time. 1 This book is concerned with the principal forms of solitary religious life in England between the

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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create distinct confessional identities. Even in the Protestant church, conversion continued to be used in the (traditional) intra- faith sense to refer to an intensification of religious life as much or more than in the inter- faith sense of a change from one creed to another. The renewed evangelical vigour of the Counter-Reformation Catholic church, observed and vigorously emulated by Protestant

in Conversions
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hospital illuminates the transition of influence, status, wealth, and power from early ecclesiastical governance of the regional bishop and papal court, to grassroots activism of the lay citizenry and from them, finally, to the control by civic authorities of the budding early modern state. The medieval hospital provides an excellent vehicle for examining the alteration of the civic jurisdictional landscape of the medieval city as well as constituting a model for the nature of religious life and charitable activity among the lay citizens. Introduction 3 Between the

in Hospitals and charity

for the independence desired by early medieval monks and their monasteries. As many exemption privileges attest, there was an envisioned limit to episcopal authority over the religious life, especially concerning matters of internal governance. The contemporary idea of the monastery as a ‘secret space’ (septa secreta) is particularly significant in this regard –​an enclosure with physical and spiritual boundaries to be respected and never transgressed.21 Whereas this protectionist mentality is expressed in Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Columbani, written between 639 and

in Freedom and protection
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beguines and groups of laywomen living a religious life.7 At least four communities of pucelles were located in Metz during the later Middle Ages; this meant that the figure of the pucelle – in the form of a spiritually inspired laywoman – formed part of the linguistic and cultural backdrop to Claude’s performances. By modelling her Pucelle character on Joan and reproducing her lay religious practice, Claude mirrored a local paradigm for pucelles. This likeness positioned the actor within an existing tradition and primed the audience to recognise certain elements of the

in Performing women

links with Catholics outside England arose from his relationships with religious houses in continental Europe. III Blundell was highly supportive of the religious life. While he made sure that of his ten children who survived into adulthood that there were enough lay members to manage the estate and secure a couple of strategic marriages, seven of his children joined religious houses. Two of his sons became Jesuits, while five of his daughters joined the Poor Clares.54 Blundell’s papers demonstrate that he viewed having his children in religious houses as both a source

in Reading and politics in early modern England