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survival,6 the fact that they attempted to take 51 52 CBOW in the twentieth century some control over their circumstances, when the author proclaimed: ‘From now on I will decide who gets me’, which led to her being accused of ‘besmirching the honour of the German women’.7 As one reviewer rightly explains, the reason for the rejection of the book was less the subject matter itself, but her dealing with it. Her confession of agency, her damning picture of German men in the face of the rape campaigns, her differentiated view of the Red Army and the links with German

in Children born of war in the twentieth century
The British Labour Party and Derry, 1942–62

8 ‘That link must be preserved, but there are other problems’1: the British Labour Party and Derry, 1942–62 Máirtín Ó Catháin As a prism through which to examine the British Labour Party’s relationship with Ireland in the mid twentieth century, and as a way of highlighting factors that contributed to civil unrest in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, this chapter will focus on local politics, especially local Labour party politics, in Derry during the Second World War and in the immediate decades that followed. Although the British Labour Party had been

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland

CBOW in earlier parts of the book. Peace support operations: special responsibilities for ‘special forces’? The UN as an organisation is tasked with the maintenance of peace and security, a tenet which should underscore the entirety of its operations, including 228 CBOW in the twentieth century peacekeeping missions, and should guide all its personnel, including all its soldiers, at all levels. Given this UN ethos, sexual misconduct and the exploitation and abuse of civilians are not only morally reprehensible, but also damaging to the credibility of the UN

in Children born of war in the twentieth century
Abstract only

dancing.20 Much of the subsequent historical debate on women’s drinking habits pivots on what other factors might have actuated public house reform in interwar England. Stella Moss and Alistair Mutch portrayed brewer pub improvers as primarily profit-maximizers who focused on areas in which inhabitants’ patronage would defray cost of investment.21 This new research is appraised in Chapter 1. Currently, historians view enduring changes in women’s drinking habits as a product of the last half of the twentieth century.22 Claire Langhamer pointed to the Second World War as

in Women drinking out in Britain since the early twentieth century
Abstract only
The Scottish military tradition in decline

implications of that relationship for Scottish society. It would follow therefore that the rapid decline of that empire in the second half of the twentieth century must have wrought profound changes for what we might call the ‘Scottish military establishment’ characterised above all by the Scottish regiments of the British army. And yet an examination of how the Scottish infantry regiments

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century

scramble for territory that occurred in the 1880s and 1890s. 3 His name, however, tended to be on the lips of many (and not just the British) engaged in that imperial/colonial enterprise. In the twentieth century, the appeal to Livingstone as the justificatory ancestor figure, the heroic antecedent that could be turned to many different ends, continued unabated. The missionary

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century

-interventionist approach for most of the post-war era.  4 E. Rumpf and A. C. Hepburn, Nationalism and socialism in twentieth-century Ireland (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 1977), p. 208.  5 Geoffrey Bell, Troublesome business: the Labour Party and the Irish question (London, Pluto, 1982), p. 150.  6 See Edwards, A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party.  7 For more on this point, see P. Bew, H. Patterson and P. Gibbon, Northern Ireland, 1921–2001: political forces and social classes (revised and updated version, London, Sherif, 2002); and also see Russell Rees, Labour

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland

12 The Militant Tendency comes to Ireland, c.1969–89 John Cunningham The Militant Tendency and its Irish offshoot were by several measures – durability, membership, public profile  – the most successful Trotskyist organisations and among the more successful overtly Marxist movements in Britain and/or Ireland in the twentieth century. Yet they have been little studied, and what has been written about them has often been unsatisfactory. Material produced by Militant itself has been celebratory of achievement, and unforthcoming about modus operandi, while commentary

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland
Geoffrey Bing MP and partition

, because Labour is international. There may be the most violent opposition between the Irish Nationalist and the British Imperialist as such; but the interests of the Irish worker and the British worker are the same; and it is with their interests as workers that the Labour Party is concerned.’5 In Ireland, this way of thinking has often been dubbed ‘Walkerism’, after the early-twentieth-century Belfast socialist, William Walker, who wanted Ireland to remain within the United Kingdom.6 But the term conflates the politics of one Irishman with the philosophy of a mass

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland
A personal narrative

, newly elected backbencher, confident in the ability of a Labour majority government using the democratic process within the United Kingdom to remedy perceived and obvious political and social grievances efficiently and with generosity. The Wilson administration during the 1960s was, without a doubt, culpable for failing to prevent what was to be a running sore in the politics of these islands for over three decades. It is necessary, therefore, to begin by examining how such an intellectually brilliant cabinet, the most outstanding of the twentieth century, could

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland