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the nation within a nationalism which drew upon religious sectarianism. IrishIreland nationalism shared with German nationalism notions that nation was synonymous with race. Within Irish nationalism, as in German nationalism, identity was constructed in opposition to a specific non-national other. In the Irish case, Jews were understood as enemies of the Church and by implication enemies of the nation, even if the sectarian ‘other’ against which the Catholic Irish nation was predominantly defined was Protestant rather than Jewish.8 Twentiethcentury expressions of

in Racism and social change in the Republic of Ireland
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The empirical turn of Irish Catholic sociology in the 1950s

as the growing number of Irish Catholic immigrants in an increasingly secular Britain became a focal point for research proposals. Finally, the manner in which Ireland’s initially abundant, but later faltering, supply of religious vocations and the maximisation of its clergy’s contribution to worldwide Catholic missionary efforts was studied. All of these strands are tied together by a broad turn away from exclusive preoccupation with ethical principles and towards increasing involvement in empirical social investigations. A new professor in Maynooth In June 1953

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
The Irish in Australia

politics of belonging. This is not to imply that the situation in the ROI is unproblematic, particularly given the marginalization of Irish Protestants and Jews under its dominant Catholic ethno-nationalistic paradigm (Fanning, 2010: 396). Given Ireland’s sectarian divides, discussions of belonging would be incomplete without an ethno-religious lens. In so saying, an ‘uncritical conflation [of belonging] with the notion of identity and citizenship’ (Antonsich, 2010: 645) is not being advocated, nor is belonging conceptualized as unidimensional, bound to religion. Rather

in Migrations

going. Most of these were men and, for the most part, their perspectives were privileged ones. Some chapters focus on where women, Travellers, vulnerable members of society and, most recently, immigrants figure in the mainstream narratives that profess to tell Ireland’s story. Anderson’s approach to the study of nationalism and nation-building is predicated on the argument that similar sociological processes can be found in different contexts. Nationalism and nation-building projects have also come to preoccupy academics in different countries in similar ways. They

in Irish adventures in nation-building
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this book. In nineteenth-century Ireland, philanthropists, social reformers, religious orders and the State focused much attention on children and childhood ex­perience. Over the last sixty years or so, scholars have done the same. In 1960, Phillipe Aries set the bar with his seminal work L’enfant et la vie familiale sous l’Ancien Régime, focused on childhood and the family in France. With regard to childhood in Ireland, Maria Luddy’s book on women and philanthropy, as well as Joseph Robin’s work on children and charity work in the nineteenth century, are important

in The cruelty man
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British and Irish diasporas: societies, cultures and ideologies

religious roots and migratory experiences cut across apparent national lines. The expansion of England that drove the emergence of a unifying Britishness first developed at home and resulted in conflicts, both religious and territorial, against the Celtic countries, and between Protestants and Catholics. Religious conflicts saw, at times, both Catholics and Puritans excluded from the ideology that shaped the expansive ambitions of the English. It is in this context that we look not just at migrations – the movement of people – but at diasporas: that is, communities of

in British and Irish diasporas

-century philanthropic tradition, the Irish State, guided by the Catholic Church, continued its policies of institutionalisation of children, stigmatisation of single mothers, and charity as opposed to welfare. As addressed in Chapter 1, many of the issues regarding child welfare, voluntarism and State interference in the family had been established before independence, but these intensified as the Catholic Church became an influential force in Irish social policy. In examining the NSPCC, religious orders and the State, the effects of draconian policies on families can be observed

in The cruelty man

2 Conscientious objection, harm reduction and abortion care Ruth Fletcher Introduction The scope of any legal right to refuse to provide abortion care merits particular consideration following the introduction of the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 (PLDPA). Irish health scholarship and practice may benefit from an account of conscientious objection (CO) that clarifies when CO is legitimately engaged by a refusal to provide care and whether CO is limited given its potential effect as a barrier to women’s lawful access to abortion. This chapter

in Ethical and legal debates in Irish healthcare

working-­class youth and transform them into respectable working-­class adults. In a somewhat similar vein, Raftery and O’Sullivan (1999: 18) suggest that the reformatory and industrial schools be viewed as ‘part of a larger system for the control of children and, to a lesser degree, women’. They argue that the system, dominated by Catholic religious congregations, incarcerated huge numbers of children for ‘transgressing the narrow moral code of the time’. Their account, a mix of sociological analysis and personal testimony, catalogues many of the abuses that were

in Wild Arabs and savages
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The families of craft, clerical and service workers

population of Stafford or whether their aspirations inevitably encouraged them to integrate rapidly into the host economy. Irish families who achieved some wealth and status had opportunities to engage in other identifiable roles. They could carry out two distinct, though complementary, cultural roles. On the one hand they could be cultural leaders amongst the Irish themselves. Writers such as O’Leary, Belchem and William Jenkins (who emphasises the role of women in the process) have identified the importance of the Irish Catholic middle class in defining and reinforcing

in Divergent paths