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Jonathan J. Pierce and Katherine C. Hicks

applications have demonstrated that with some minor adjustments, the assumptions, components, and theories of the ACF hold up when applied to FPA (Pierce and Hicks 2017 ). For example, the ACF has been applied to understand coalition stability in relation the creation of Israel (Pierce 2011 ), policy learning by German during the war in Afghanistan (Schroer 2014 ), and the change and stasis of Swiss foreign policy toward South Africa and Iraq (Hirschi and Widmer 2010 ). These and other applications demonstrate that the ACF can be applied to understand advocacy

in Foreign policy as public policy?
John Holt & Co. (Liverpool) Ltd as a contemporary free-standing company, 1945–2006

government did not show any interest in socialist measures, no longer sourced the majority of its imports from the UK. Holt’s attempts to reposition its operations in West Africa in response to the economic and political changes during decolonisation were overseen by members of the founding families, although the company went public as early as 1950. However, the majority of its shares were still held by

in The empire in one city?

survive the experience of coming face to face with the inevitable messiness of implementing policy on the ground. My discussions aimed to get at answers to three key questions. First, how do British officials conceive of a sense of the ideal in their work? Second, do they feel that this sense of the ideal tallies with London’s conception of British work in Africa? Third, how do officials maintain their sense of the ideal in the course of their engagement with political actors and processes in Nigeria and Sierra Leone? I wanted to test two potential sources of

in Britain and Africa under Blair

Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership 7 Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership in EU–Africa relations Maurizio Carbone The first decade of the 2000s was characterised by a number of important changes in the foreign aid policy of the European Union (EU). The new century started with the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 (European Union, 2000), which introduced a radical overhaul of the aid pillar in the long-­standing partnership between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. The

in The European Union in Africa
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Labour migration policy change in the UK

5 Case study two: labour migration policy change in the UK Introduction When in September 2000 Barbara Roche announced a fundamental change in British policy on labour migration, it was at a conference of the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) held at the British Bankers’ Association in London. The new direction announced by Roche was all about recognising the ‘potentially huge benefits’ of migration, and changing policies to adapt to the global economy by bringing in new ideas, including from other countries, and carrying out more research on

in Managing labour migration in Europe
Abolition from ship to shore

This study provides fresh perspectives on critical aspects of the British Royal Navy’s suppression of the Atlantic slave trade. It is divided into three sections. The first, Policies, presents a new interpretation of the political framework under which slave-trade suppression was executed. Part II, Practices, examines details of the work of the navy’s West Africa Squadron

in The suppression of the Atlantic slave trade
Applying a theory of multi-level governance

another important, yet often overlooked, external dimension – the European Union. The EU forms a major political and economic backdrop against which the Northern Ireland conflict, peace process, and settlement have played out. The outbreak and early years of the conflict coincided with the UK’s accession to the EU and Northern Ireland’s political and economic landscape has been shaped by the EU’s political and policy framework. The post-conflict period will coincide with the UK’s exit from the EU following a referendum decision by the UK electorate in June 2016 for the

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
The Chinese ping-pong team visits Africa in 1962

financially strapped – if, that is, it served a strategic foreign policy goal and especially if it included propaganda that might raise China’s image and influence in a particular country. While a major task of this visit was raising or reinforcing China’s image through exposure of the ping-pong team, the report also made some general observations on sports programmes in these countries. Huang, for example, commented that sports activities in African countries, especially Guinea, Mali and Sudan, were somewhat ‘backward’ and their sports programmes ‘incomplete’, lacking mass

in Sport and diplomacy
Bureaucratic politics in EU aid – from the Lomé leap forward to the difficulties of adapting to the twenty-first century

states had no desire to take on excess postcolonial baggage and resolved to treat France’s (and Belgium’s) ex-colonies as, at best, Europe’s ‘near-abroad’. They insisted that development policy remain subservient to the guiding EEC policies and doctrines, not least Europe’s own economic integration and the protection of its agriculture. After some serious intra-European negotiation, and a certain amount of arm twisting on the part of the African associates over the amount of money offered in the second European Development Fund, there emerged the treaty which became

in EU development cooperation
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persuading him to discuss it with the African states. Rejecting the feasibility of this idea, the UK mission reported that Hammarskjöld was largely directing UN Congo policy and the members of the CAC ‘acquiesce[d]‌[with] his views’.47 Against the powerful position of the Secretary-​ General, backed by the Afro-​Asian states, the British were able to achieve little more than supporting Hammarskjöld’s plans. In the State Department, Kasavubu’s attempt to dismiss Lumumba was a welcome addition to their plans to remove him altogether. ‘Taking the James Bond route’, as

in The diplomacy of decolonisation