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The Secret Memoirs

us have the capacity to be an Eichmann. At the time I was not able to accept her arguments. I had Adolf Eichmann: The Secret Memoirs to wait nearly forty years before the answers became clear to me as I worked on the film Adolf Eichmann: The Secret Memoirs. While awaiting the verdict of his trial, Eichmann wrote a self-serving memoir that he entitled Graven Images. He had hoped it would favorably sway the judges’ opinions. The papers failed to help him and the authorities, fearing the papers might provide encouragement for Neo-Nazis, locked them away for forty

in The documentary diaries

upon the watchmaker in Hart Street who, by coincidence, had seen Harris upon business only minutes before. When Sheridan eventually opened the manager’s door, he found Harris in a passion, just as Tregent had described him. ‘Well sir,’ said Harris, ‘I have waited at least two hours for you again. I had almost given you up, and if –’ ‘Stop, my dear Harris, I assure you these things occur more from my misfortunes than my faults. I declare I thought it was but one o’clock, for it so happens that I have no watch, and to tell you the truth, am too poor to buy one. But

in Thomas ‘Jupiter’ Harris

This book is about the lives of refugee women in Britain and France. Who are they? Where do they come from? What happens to them when they arrive, while they wait for a decision on their claim for asylum, and after the decision, whether positive or negative? The book shows how laws and processes designed to meet the needs of men fleeing political persecution often fail to protect women from persecution in their home countries and fail to meet their needs during and after the decision-making process. It portrays refugee women as resilient, resourceful and potentially active participants in British and French social, political and cultural life. The book exposes the obstacles that make active participation difficult.

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William Klein and Alain Tanner

As a conclusion to this survey of the traces of 1968 on the French cinema of the following decade, it seems appropriate to consider two film-makers whose work encapsulates many of the currents and issues which have previously been discussed, and who may be said to be exemplary in terms of their responses to the demands of the time. In August 1968, the Avignon festival, whose special statute permitted films to be shown there without the visa de censure , presented the avant-première of a film still waiting for the

in French cinema in the 1970s
Absence, silence and lament in Troilus and Criseyde and Troilus and Cressida

, abandoned Dido Two other absent presences in the play, in addition to Hecuba and implicitly Cressida herself, are the women who wait in the literary afterlives of Ulysses and Aeneas, Penelope and Dido. 26 Both, like Hecuba, lament; like Hecuba and Cressida herself (and the muchfetishized Ariachne), they are also figures of doubleness. Is Dido the Virgilian Dido, the abandoned

in Love, history and emotion in Chaucer and Shakespeare

was recovering from a series of bitter debates over Clause Four and unilateral disarmament. Gaitskell therefore sensing divisions over Europe ‘immediately adopted a wait and see position’ (Dewey, 2009 : 12). This position was understandable, particularly as a result of the ‘tensions within the party's own ranks stemming from the growing influence of pro-Market individuals’ (Forster, 2009: 27). It is therefore unsurprising that under these circumstances, the Labour Party adopted a non-committal stance at this time, particularly as it was caught unprepared by

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984

the Catholic faith, and seem almost extinguished.1 We know, of course, that this confidence was premature, and that a few years later, the heretical infection would break out more virulently than before. Traditional, Protestant histories of the Scottish Reformation would argue that the apparent peace of the 1550s was deceptive. On this view, Protestantism was silently coalescing from simple reading-groups into formally organised ‘privy kirks’: a network of underground Protestant churches, waiting fully formed in the parishes and preparing for government.2 This

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation

defeat in 1970, Heath’s in February 1974 and Wilson’s narrow victory in October 1974, which opinion polls mistakenly forecast as a significant Labour majority. In his wider strategic dialogue in 1978, Callaghan refused to countenance an election if it were likely to produce another indecisive result (and at best, a further minority government). The ongoing Brexit process could also discourage the potential uncertainty of another early election. While Wilson had called an early election in October 1974, and waited until he had a majority before approaching the EEC

in The British tradition of minority government
An historical essay concerning witchcraft (1718)

for a respectable cleric, with aspirations to high preferment, to write upon.10 According to Bostridge, Hutchinson had to wait until 1718 to publish the Historical essay, when witchcraft had become a marginal concern to mainstream, educated culture.11 So far we have focused on the decline theories of Bostridge and Sharpe, and how these have shaped their view of Hutchinson’s scepticism. However, they are not the only historians in the past two decades to have 7 Sharpe, Instruments of darkness, p. 273. Sharpe, Witchcraft in early modern England, pp. 81–2, 85; idem

in Witchcraft and Whigs
From investigation to deportation

4 Labour and Irish revolution: from investigation to deportation Ivan Gibbons The British Labour Party’s policy on Ireland in the early 1920s was influenced by its awareness that it was potentially an alternative government in waiting. Before this became apparent after 1918, and when the party was little more than a radical adjunct to the dominant progressive party (the Liberals), Labour could afford to support Irish nationalist demands for home rule in a general, instinctive and positive manner. However, once it became obvious that the Labour Party not only had

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland