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realm altogether and dealt with ‘in secret’. The central question to be asked within the securitisation framework is, ‘has a successful securitisation occurred?’. In other words, has ‘normal politics’ within a given policy area been pushed into the security realm? To answer this requires investigation not only of the process of securitisation, but also of the extent to which the process is contested, the nature of this contestation, and the identity of countervailing forces. According to Buzan et al., ‘the way to study securitization is to study discourse and

in Securitising Russia

had contracted a Californian corporation to produce ‘persona management’ software that would allow a single Psyops operative to control up to ten online identities with con vincing backgrounds and characterisation. 88 According to CENTCOM spokesman Bill Speaks, ‘the technology supports classified blogging activities on foreign language websites to enable CENTCOM to counter

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
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blocked from challenging the state’s Jewish identity. While colonial control of native populations represents a significant aspect of the history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Israel’s continued administration of a large Palestinian population into the twenty-first century, long after the demise of colonialism, represents a serious challenge for scholars and theorists of colonial forms of political control (Azoulay and Ophir, 2008; Gordon, 2008; Ophir et al., 2009). Several of the political objectives associated with population management and political

in Thorough surveillance
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The end

perspective. From a cognitive perspective narratives are an essential means of human cognition generally. Narratives are considered to be part of the human thought process in the way that the brain captures many complex relationships in the form of narrative structures. From a cultural perspective narratives are considered culturally embedded phenomena which are part of every society regardless of geographic location. Stories of the past, present and future are an essential part of all forms of community building where the constitution of a common identity is sought

in Romantic narratives in international politics

made up 3 per cent of the population of Palestine and 11 per cent in 1922 but by 1948 they constituted around one third. They were initially concentrated in urban enclaves but by 1948 they were able to acquire 8–10 per cent of the land, largely through purchase from absentee landlords (Gerner 1991: 11, 17–18; Smith 1996: 24, 107). Zionist emigration provoked the political arousal of the Palestinian community and engendered a distinct Palestinian identity. Palestinian resistance took the form of protests and non-co-operation with the British

in The international politics of the Middle East
Dialogue as normative grounds and object of critique

a means to challenge and critique these forms of domination, whilst at the same time providing a means to contest and make accountable the actions of states and international institutions. Those concerned with the ‘democratic deficit’ of international institutions have looked to Habermas’s theory to identify ways in which institutional arrangements might be improved, thus preventing the resort to force

in Justifying violence

, and as such, they operationalise a communicative ethics which can be applied to claims to legitimacy in relation to the use of force. Justifications relating to the use of force concern moral-practical knowledge. In Habermas’s terms, they can be contested under the validity claim of rightness. 4 Given that the case of Kosovo confronts us with conflicting interpretations of established norms

in Justifying violence

consequences of anti-terrorism powers were accompanied, in many of our groups, by reflection on the more specific impact of such powers on particular communities. Individuals identifying with a range of ethnic identities pointed, repeatedly, to the risk that contemporary powers – and their application – would alienate minority populations. In addition to the view that such alienation would harm community

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security

identity.5 For Verweijen (2015), it is income generation and (re)production and expansion of control over the ethnic community they represent that are most significant. Other studies have identified marginal conditions of living, poverty and general disenfranchisement as the main reasons for combatants to join militias (Lubala Mugisho 2000: 209–10; Vlassenroot 2000: 94–6). Lubala Mugisho adds historical factors as important for the emergence of these militias. Yet others have seen the militias as a form of rural political mobilisation, motivated by a rejection of the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Aspects of continuity and change after New Labour

build on or challenge the conclusions of previous analyses of UK Africa policy and relations, particularly those which focused on the periods of Labour Government from 1997 to 2010? What are the potential implications of these continuities and emerging trends for the UK and for Africa, in relation to each other and to wider developments in the sub-fields of security, development, trade, party identity, civil society campaigning and regionalism? What are the power dynamics within UK–Africa relations? To what extent is the UK’s relationship with Africa forever shaped by

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century