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The International Institute of African Languages and Cultures between the wars
Benoît de L’Estoile

Organization. 9 An additional factor leading up to calls to international co-operation was a growing concern about ‘native reactions’ against White Rule. Thus at the IIALC Conference during the 1931 Colonial Exhibition, the French Colonel Derendinger, a member of the Executive Council, stressed the political emergency of a European unified front, in the face of native claims, arguing

in Ordering Africa
Alastair J. Reid

Post Office workers and the Liberal Party, commented, ‘I think the ILP are really becoming tacticians; that the “old” trade unionists have learned a great deal in the last few years; and that the very “new” trade unionists are saner than they were’.34 The major area of disagreement was, of course, over how much control the unions were to have within this new political alliance, with the ILP determined to ensure freedom of action for the socialist societies in the choice of parliamentary candidates and inclined to reduce the unions’ share of places on the executive

in The tide of democracy
Alastair J. Reid

9780719081033_2_C15.qxd 1/20/10 9:10 Page 331 15 Conclusions to Part III It has long been evident that few late nineteenth and early twentiethcentury British trade unionists were state socialists let alone Marxists, but it is no longer adequate to account for this with reference to some sort of ignorance, confusion or apathy. It probably never was, but following the reconstruction of the political theory of two key craft union leaders it becomes clear that this cannot adequately be defined in terms of a mere absence; while following the careful tracing of

in The tide of democracy
Abstract only
Marco Barducci

State of the Republic was appointed by the Rump on 17 February, and was expected to sit for one year. Many of the state councillors were affiliated with the political group of the Independents. 39 Whereas Parliament had a tight control over its executive, most political initiatives came from the Council of State. The leaders of both governmental bodies of the Republic shared a political line which aimed to defend the new

in Order and conflict
Coleman A. Dennehy

English Parliament, this could have been problematic.75 In short, as far as the political outlook stood, the Irish Parliament was to be kept to support matters deemed applicable for government and to pass legislation if necessary, but at the same time to be kept on a very short leash for fear of political action or opinion independent of the ­executive – ­for example, •  the irish parliament after the rebellion, 1642–48  • 115 all of its prospective anti-­Catholic legislation was thwarted each time by the executive for political reasons. Overall, it was just too

in Ireland in crisis
Abstract only
Martin Maguire

through the keyhole. No police force was functioning through the country, no system of justice was operating, the wheels of administration hung idle battered out of recognition by the clash of rival jurisdictions.1 On the other hand there is the magisterial calm of Joseph Brennan, who had been a senior civil servant in Dublin at the handover. In 1936, in remembering the transfer of power, he wrote: The passing of the State services into the control of a native Government, however revolutionary it may have been as a step in the political development of the nation

in The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38
Chris Millington

Desroches from the Finistère stated that this was the case in their departments. Maillard had been in conflict with the PSF in his department. In the Mortain by-election, he had proposed Goy as a candidate as a means of combating the PSF in the area.79 Le Flambeau subsequently complained that the UNC and PSF were allies against communism and they should not therefore compete with each other.80 Another executive member stated that he had encountered little trouble from any political party except the PSF. Some members blamed the public accord between Goy and La Rocque for

in From victory to Vichy
‘A time to make men politicians’
Malcolm Chase

comradeship of one who, uniquely within Chartism, he could regard as a social equal: by the end of 1846 they sometimes dined together 4 or 5 times a week. In May Jones was put forward for election to the NCA executive, the Star puffing his candidacy as that of a poet ‘of talents which will make him a valuable acquisition to the democratic ranks. It is a glorious proof of the progress of democratic principles, that in spite of force and fraud, political and social persecution, such men as Mr Jones are avowing themselves as converts to Chartism.’ His poetry was catapulted

in Chartism
Tom Scriven

The fragmented legacies of Chartist moral politics  169 Reynolds was not a Chartist until 1848, when in February he spontaneously spoke at a meeting in Trafalgar Square to express solidarity with the French socialist Louis Blanc during the Revolution in Paris. After this he became a prominent Chartist speaker, an important ally of Harney, Bronterre O’Brien (who had returned to a leadership position within Chartism after years of fighting with O’Connor) and the ‘Red Republicans’, and in 1851 was elected onto the Executive of the NCA with the largest vote. Reynolds

in Popular virtue
Andrea Mariuzzo

majority coalition and the government were different institutional entities, the depth of Italy’s political divide ensured that communications from the executive fitted perfectly well within the broader battle with the opposition. 19 0 2 20 Communism and anti-Communism in Italy The Prime Minister’s unit with responsibilities for communications was the Servizio Informazioni (Information Service). This was created in 1947 by civil servants who had had their training in the 1930s with Fascism’s Ministry of Popular Culture, and was then reorganised in 1950–​51 with the

in Communism and anti-Communism in early Cold War Italy