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9780719081033_2_C15.qxd 1/20/10 9:10 Page 331 15 Conclusions to Part III It has long been evident that few late nineteenth and early twentiethcentury British trade unionists were state socialists let alone Marxists, but it is no longer adequate to account for this with reference to some sort of ignorance, confusion or apathy. It probably never was, but following the reconstruction of the political theory of two key craft union leaders it becomes clear that this cannot adequately be defined in terms of a mere absence; while following the careful tracing of

in The tide of democracy

English Parliament, this could have been problematic.75 In short, as far as the political outlook stood, the Irish Parliament was to be kept to support matters deemed applicable for government and to pass legislation if necessary, but at the same time to be kept on a very short leash for fear of political action or opinion independent of the ­executive – ­for example, •  the irish parliament after the rebellion, 1642–48  • 115 all of its prospective anti-­Catholic legislation was thwarted each time by the executive for political reasons. Overall, it was just too

in Ireland in crisis
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State of the Republic was appointed by the Rump on 17 February, and was expected to sit for one year. Many of the state councillors were affiliated with the political group of the Independents. 39 Whereas Parliament had a tight control over its executive, most political initiatives came from the Council of State. The leaders of both governmental bodies of the Republic shared a political line which aimed to defend the new

in Order and conflict
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through the keyhole. No police force was functioning through the country, no system of justice was operating, the wheels of administration hung idle battered out of recognition by the clash of rival jurisdictions.1 On the other hand there is the magisterial calm of Joseph Brennan, who had been a senior civil servant in Dublin at the handover. In 1936, in remembering the transfer of power, he wrote: The passing of the State services into the control of a native Government, however revolutionary it may have been as a step in the political development of the nation

in The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38

Desroches from the Finistère stated that this was the case in their departments. Maillard had been in conflict with the PSF in his department. In the Mortain by-election, he had proposed Goy as a candidate as a means of combating the PSF in the area.79 Le Flambeau subsequently complained that the UNC and PSF were allies against communism and they should not therefore compete with each other.80 Another executive member stated that he had encountered little trouble from any political party except the PSF. Some members blamed the public accord between Goy and La Rocque for

in From victory to Vichy
‘A time to make men politicians’

comradeship of one who, uniquely within Chartism, he could regard as a social equal: by the end of 1846 they sometimes dined together 4 or 5 times a week. In May Jones was put forward for election to the NCA executive, the Star puffing his candidacy as that of a poet ‘of talents which will make him a valuable acquisition to the democratic ranks. It is a glorious proof of the progress of democratic principles, that in spite of force and fraud, political and social persecution, such men as Mr Jones are avowing themselves as converts to Chartism.’ His poetry was catapulted

in Chartism

The fragmented legacies of Chartist moral politics  169 Reynolds was not a Chartist until 1848, when in February he spontaneously spoke at a meeting in Trafalgar Square to express solidarity with the French socialist Louis Blanc during the Revolution in Paris. After this he became a prominent Chartist speaker, an important ally of Harney, Bronterre O’Brien (who had returned to a leadership position within Chartism after years of fighting with O’Connor) and the ‘Red Republicans’, and in 1851 was elected onto the Executive of the NCA with the largest vote. Reynolds

in Popular virtue
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served in the commission with responsibility for prisons and welfare institutions in Munich, called for independent women’s councils with a central executive.22 No overall picture of women’s participation in the councils emerges. Much depended on the political composition of the council and the nature of the revolution in the city. In general, it was to be women who had been politically active before or during the war who were chosen or elected to serve, if only for a short time. Grebing claims that women on the councils worked in areas responsible for food supplies

in Women in the Weimar Republic

majority coalition and the government were different institutional entities, the depth of Italy’s political divide ensured that communications from the executive fitted perfectly well within the broader battle with the opposition. 19 0 2 20 Communism and anti-Communism in Italy The Prime Minister’s unit with responsibilities for communications was the Servizio Informazioni (Information Service). This was created in 1947 by civil servants who had had their training in the 1930s with Fascism’s Ministry of Popular Culture, and was then reorganised in 1950–​51 with the

in Communism and anti-Communism in early Cold War Italy
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‘Ever present to the progressive mind’

... the a r istocr acy of l a bou r m ust be brok en dow n, the same as an[y] other aristocracies.40 Chartist leaders had frequently resented trade union separatism; but as recently as 1851, when Harney, Holyoake, O’Connor and Reynolds remained on the NCA executive, criticism was tempered. ‘There must not be two parties in our ranks – the one struggling for social rights, the other for political power – we must ALL contend for BOTH’, they argued in An Appeal for Joint Action of All Sections of the Working Class.41 Trade unionism, however, was about the politics of the

in Chartism