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include bilateral relations with neighbouring states and superpowers, as well as issues relating to national and international security, foreign trade and investment, migration, multinational corporations and defence (Kapur, 2002). Many nationalists and old-fashioned Indian academics and politicians make two claims about India’s foreign policy goals: first, that they are based on a national consensus (for example, the UPA government’s Year End Review 2004), and second, that they have remained the same since Nehru’s time. Such academics and analysts either do not want to

in India in a globalized world

by the Ottomans, creating a new vilayet of Kosovo.1 The general deterioration in religious relations was heightened by mass expulsions in ‘Muslim lands taken over by Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro in 1877–8’.2 These mass migrations from parts of Serbia were coupled with the movement of refugees into and the emigration of Serbs out of Kosovo. At the international level, the influence of the Ottoman Turks continued to decline, while new Slav nationalist movements sprung up in the South Balkans, producing a general sense of unease in the region. In short, the

in Contemporary violence

attracted considerable attention in academic accounts of our globalizing age as it is identified, paired or treated in conjunction with communication, cosmopolitanism, crime, culture, democracy, the economy, education, empire, the environment, global civil society, global governance, health, human rights, integration, international institutions, law, migration, non

in Recognition and Global Politics
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institutions and national communi ties can be considered mutually supportive aspects of nation-state discourse; a sense of national belonging serves to legitimate state sovereignty, while state institutions help to define that sense of belonging through official commemora tion, citizenship legislation, migration controls and a host of other measures, including warfare, in which sacrificing one’s own life becomes; ‘the extreme heroic form for

in Soldered states

v 1 v Population displacement in East Prussia during the First World War Ruth Leiserowitz Introduction As a region bordering the Russian Empire, East Prussia was, apart from Alsace-Lorraine, the only part of the German Empire to be directly affected by the military operations of the First World War. There had been no military actions in this region since the Napoleonic wars. Forced migration was hitherto unknown, and the refugee crisis in 1914 found everyone totally unprepared. In August 1914 two distinct waves of forced migration took place in opposing

in Europe on the move
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Displaced persons in the Italian linguistic space during the First World War

economic restrictions, they v 184 v Displaced persons in the Italian linguistic space were seen as rivals for food, and potential competitors for local work. In Naples, Macerata and Umbria, refugees were publicly accused of causing a food shortage and soaring prices; words sometimes led to blows which the authorities had difficulty in calming.20 There was also cultural antagonism. Caporetto caused the first mass migration in the Italian peninsula and, standard Italian being in limited use, there were problems of communication especially among women and the older

in Europe on the move

as driven only by economic interests (Yeo, 2010). Inevitably, that the EU chose to support ASEAN’s endeavours in eradicating terrorism, piracy and organised crime, as well as tackling issues The EU’s security strategy in the ASEAN region 191 in regards to human rights and migration, reflected the EU’s increasing recognition that mutual prosperity lies in the region’s ability to remain politically stable, both ASEAN-wide as well as within individual member states. Developing non-traditional security co-operation Terrorism, organised crime and illegal migration

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures

-era lenses. The chapter also underlines, however, the emergence of tensions, contradictions and ambiguities in the UK–AU/APSA relationship since the fall of the Labour Government in May 2010 – as domestic UK pressures have driven Conservative-led governments to recalibrate their relations with the continent. For while the June 2016 Brexit vote has encouraged UK policymakers to strengthen security links with non-European partners (including in Africa), concerns regarding continued illegal migration of persons from Africa to Europe have undermined

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century

terms of advancing UK national interests. ‘What happens in Somalia’, Cameron said, ‘if it’s a good outcome, it’s good for Britain, it means less terrorism, less migration, less piracy; ditto South Sudan’ (Mason, 2015 ). Moreover, Defence Secretary Michael Fallon, stated in 2016 that ‘it’s part of our effort to tackle the instability that leads to mass migration and terrorism. It will help keep Britain safe while improving lives abroad’ (Ministry of Defence, 2016b ). Terrorism also plays a significant role in the UK Government’s justification for the deployment of up

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
The Conservative Party and Africa from opposition to government

, during this short time we see significant new engagements with Africa. In September 2015, Cameron announced that 300 soldiers would be sent to South Sudan and seventy to Somalia to support peacekeeping efforts. This was linked by Cameron directly to wider UK national interests, with the PM suggesting that ‘bringing stability to both countries could help to ease the migration crisis that is seeing hundreds of thousands of migrants cross the Mediterranean to reach Europe’ (Riley-Smith, 2015 ). Following Cameron’s resignation, Priti Patel, an

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century