3 Labour politics in London The “Woolwich Pioneer” comes to utter the voice of the Labour Movement of Woolwich. To fulfill its end it must not be the utterance of a single editor, or of a group of journalists, earning their living by expressing their own thoughts or exploiting their own personality. It must be the voice of all in Woolwich who work, all who hope, all who care for the ideals which have given birth to labour movement after movement in the past and the Labour Representation movement of to-day. (Woolwich Pioneer, 1904)1 Socialist Woolwich This is

in Making socialists
Abstract only

5 Home Rule politics Regicide Logue was a nationalist. He retained a fundamental conviction that the Irish had the right to govern themselves and only self-government could effectively redress Catholic grievances. He supported and participated in the clerical-nationalist alliance forged by William Walsh in the 1880s. Although deeply concerned over the methodology of the National League, he offered nothing but support to the campaign in public. His disapproval of clerical participation in the Plan did not prevent his show of solidarity with Father James McFadden

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925

Chapter 4 . Rumour in court politics Introduction M any of the rumours that circulated around the kingdom began life as attempts to manipulate the perceptions of the King. Occasions on which individuals tried to shape the King’s policies with dramatic reports about the Spanish match or the threat of invasion were comparatively rare, however. What role did more routine rumours about goings on at court play in politics, and what role, if any, did observers at the periphery play in shaping day-to-day politics at the centre? A consideration of these issues

in News and rumour in Jacobean England
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2 Land and politics The Land War The upsurge in political violence after 1879 posed a series of complex problems for the Catholic Church in Ireland. The nature of violence, its scope and scale, and its origin all presented challenges which were in many ways new. The violent protest associated with the land question after 1879 heralded, or was symptomatic of, sweeping political change. Previously, it was quite often simply a matter of condemnation for the Church. Insurrection, such as the Fenian revolt, could be dismissed as the work of a small group of

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925

1 Politics and strategy The history of the auxiliary forces of the United Kingdom, dating to long before 1660 and the creation of the first standing army, has been inextricably linked with political developments. This has been recognised by many historians looking at the British context of amateur soldiery.1 Similarly, in late eighteenth-century Ireland, the formation of a militia for home defence was heavily influenced by political considerations, particularly with regard to the distrust of the Volunteers and the inevitability of granting more power to the

in The Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army, 1854–1992

From 1842 onwards, a number of Orange Order Lodges were established throughout New Zealand, with the Grand Lodge for New Zealand only constituted in 1867 (Figure 10). A religious and political secret society found throughout the Irish diaspora, the Orange Order ‘was about more than violence and marching; it was also a centre of sociability and camaraderie’. 1 Membership of the

in Scottishness and Irishness in New Zealand since 1840
Flora Shaw, The Times and South Africa

the next decade, her political journalism in the pages of ‘The Thunderer’ – nearly six hundred articles, leaders and columns – supported the expansion and consolidation of the British Empire. She became the first woman to gain a professional position on The Times and its first Colonial Editor. She wrote with lucid analysis, clarifying complex economic and political issues

in The South African War reappraised
The body politics

period is found in the writings of the Cistercian abbot Isaac of Stella (d. late 1160s). Isaac’s writings provide an interesting parallel to those of John, as he was writing within a similar political and intellectual context. We know, for example, that Isaac also came from England to study in the schools of France, and he appears to have had some association with Thomas Becket, although the strength of this association is disputed. 10 The metaphor of the body was frequently used by Isaac in his sermon collection. In Sermon 34, Isaac emphasises the indivisibility of

in John of Salisbury and the medieval Roman renaissance

Chase 03_Tonra 01 22/01/2013 11:07 Page 70 3 Politics high and low Irreverence and truculence Communal celebration of significant occasions was one of the invisible ties that bound British society together. In England the parish church was often at the centre of such commemorations. The ringing of lengthy peals of bells was the norm on the accession of the monarch, on his birthday and on 5 November to commemorate the deliverance of King and Parliament from the 1605 Gunpowder Plot. The death of George III and his son’s accession were marked across Britain

in 1820
The judicial duel under the Angevin kings (mid–twelfth century to 1204)

these gladiators, demanded to be tried by their peers . . .’ Powicke recognised that an important point of principle was being asserted with the Poitevin barons’ refusal to fight in John’s court; but the interpretation which he placed on the Poitevins’ demand to be matched against their peers was anachronistic. He seems to have interpreted the acute political problems of the Angevin dynasty in 1201 from the viewpoint of John’s later conflicts with his English barons in 1215. 4 On the whole modern historians have rarely questioned the assumption that John’s plans for

in Law, laity and solidarities